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	<title>Obama&#039;s Enemies List: A Growing List of Obama&#039;s Enemies &#187; Ronald Reagan</title>
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		<title>Neo-Disarmament</title>
		<link>http://www.obamashitlist.com/2012/02/10/neo-disarmament/</link>
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		<pubDate>Fri, 10 Feb 2012 16:04:00 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>apgreco</dc:creator>
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		<description><![CDATA[ The Partnership : Five Cold Warriors and Their Quest to Ban the Bomb By Philip Taubman (HarperCollins Books, 478 pages, $29.99) Just as an Israeli airstrike against Iran appears increasingly likely, author Philip Taubman has published a book celebrating a growing movement among movers and shakers aiming to abolish nuclear weapons as soon as possible. The effort is spearheaded by some big names: Nixon-era national security adviser and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, prime architect of American foreign policy during the Nixon years; Reagan-era Secretary of State George Shultz, who became an advocate of nuclear weapons abolition during his tenure; Clinton-era Secretary of Defense William Perry, also a key architect of the development of Stealth technology; and former Georgia Democrat Senator Sam Nunn, who became a top defense and foreign policy expert during his two dozen years on Capitol Hill. Joining them as an adviser was physicist Sidney Drell, who was a nuclear weapons designer and close confidant of Soviet scientist Andrei Sakharov, called "the father of the Soviet H-bomb" by many historians. A sixth Cold warrior, diplomat Max Kampelman, also played an important role in getting the group together. Following biographical portraits of his subjects, the main part of Taubman's book narrates how the five men came to collaborate on the cause of promoting global abolition of nuclear weapons. The final section of the book explains the specific steps the five have taken to date, via articles, speeches, conferences, and tête-à-têtes with myriad prominent personages decorating their immense power Rolodexes. The book offers interesting anecdotes that add color to what otherwise would have been a dry read. Nunn, as a 24-year-old Congressional intern, visited NATO's massive Ramstein Air Base (in what then was West Germany) during the October 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis. He was told by an Air Force general that in event of a Soviet attack he had one minute to get his planes aloft so they could escape destruction. Visiting NATO sites in 1974 as a freshman senator, Nunn was stunned to learn that ground commanders facing far more numerous Warsaw Pact forces envisioned early recourse to nuclear weapons, to prevent the Soviet Union's huge army from overrunning Western Europe. On that same visit Nunn was told by one base security officer that a team of terrorists could conceivably storm the base and make off with a nuclear weapon -- not three or four, but a team of ten could succeed. Taubman, whose thirty years with the New York Times included stints as chief of the Gray Lady's Moscow and Washington bureaus, makes no effort to conceal his enthusiasm for the project. Noting early efforts to block the group's initiative, Taubman writes that "entrenched interests… in the nuclear weapons priesthood are already mobilizing to block the disarmament movement." He cites Nixon/Ford Secretary of Defense James Schlesinger as "mockingly" telling one audience of defense analysts: "The dividing line between vision and hallucination is never very clear." Taubman notes that such skepticism is shared by Jimmy Carter's Secretary of Defense, Harold Brown, and Clinton-era CIA Director (albeit briefly) John Deutch. Taubman offers a harrowing chapter on nuclear theft, lax security and careless handling of bombs and warheads. If you are looking for a good night's sleep, skip this chapter. In a follow-on chapter he informs us that some 160 of 200 research reactors built worldwide run on bomb-grade fuel. There is, he writes, enough highly-enriched uranium -- four and a half tons worldwide -- to provide fuel for 170 nuclear bombs. (Their explosive yield is not specified, but presumably these would be Hiroshima-size bombs.) He also recounts several near-nuclear confrontations between the U.S. and Soviet Union, besides Cuba in 1962: during the Vietnam War over U.S. escalation; in 1969 between Russia and China over border disputes; a mistaken radar alarm that triggered a launch of B-52 bombers; and the sudden confrontation in the Mediterranean towards the end of the 1973 Yom Kippur War, over Israel's having trapped an Egyptian Army division on the west side of the Suez Canal. When the Nixon administration declared a nuclear alert during the confrontation, only Kissinger and then-presidential assistant Gen. Alexander Haig supported the move. Taubman reports that Kissinger told Haig, of the reluctant officials: "These guys were wailing all over the place." Taubman wistfully recounts Ronald Reagan's near-acceptance of "nuclear zero" at the 1986 U.S. -- Soviet Summit in Reykjavik as a missed opportunity to eliminate nuclear weapons by 2000. Gorbachev had offered it, subject to Reagan limiting his Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI) to laboratory research alone. But Reagan refused. The end of the Cold War gave strong impetus to superpower disarmament, with several arms reduction treaties passing. Nunn found himself in Russia during the August 1991 coup that unseated Gorbachev for a few days and led to the rise of Boris Yeltsin, who became the hero of the popular revolution that led to the demise of the Soviet Union at the end of 1991. Nunn was appalled that during the days of the coup he could not get a straight answer from Russian officials as to whether the Russian nuclear arsenal remained under secure control. This was one of the spurs that led Nunn to collaborate with Indiana Republican Senator Richard Lugar in the hugely successful Nunn-Lugar nuclear threat reduction project, securing by 2011 nearly all the loose nuclear material inside Russia and finding employment for thousands of nuclear scientists. In 2001 Nunn and Lugar joined forces with funding from billionaire Ted Turner to form the Nuclear Threat Initiative, to promote new solutions to nuclear issues. It is in the final section that Taubman argues his case for proceeding towards nuclear zero. The ascension of Barack Obama to the presidency put in the Oval Office a passionate advocate of total disarmament, only two years after the high-profile disarmament supporters published and op-ed in the Wall Street Journal . In broad brushstroke, key ideas already floated by the group include de-alerting missiles and bombers from Cold War high alert status; securing loose nuclear material; creating a collaborative inspection program; and extending international control over nuclear facilities, under the aegis of the United Nations. The advocates further stress that the United States must set an example by taking the lead in reducing their own nuclear arsenal to a very low level (a few hundred). Failing this they say it will be impossible to persuade other nations to do the same. Taubman lauds the New START Treaty, ratified in December 2010, and the 2009 Nuclear Security Summit as examples of success in the direction of zero. But New START was a unilateral U.S. strategic arms reduction agreement, as the Russians were already below the treaty limits. The Russians can actually build newer, more modern missiles and add to their arsenal. And New START's verification provisions are more limited than the treaty it replaced (the Bush Moscow Treaty of 2002). The Washington, D.C. Nuclear Security Summit featured four dozen world leaders. Forced to attend was Israel, whose arm was twisted by the Obama administration. Israel got more attention for its arsenal than did North Korea for having exited the Nonproliferation Treaty and joined the nuclear club. Iran, meanwhile, continues to march towards nuclear capability. And thus we see the three elephants standing hardly noticed by abolitionists in the proverbial room. First, rogue states will not only decline to follow our good example; they will be induced to increase their arsenals, which become more valuable as our arsenal shrinks -- 100 nukes in Pakistan matter much more in a world with the U.S. at the same number, than in a world with the U.S. having a few thousand weapons. This runs counter to the psychology of civilized people who see nuclear weapons as being for deterrence only, but a nuclear Iran eager to destroy the Great Satan (U.S.) and Little Satan (Israel) will think differently. Proof of this was provided by the Soviets in the eleven months between the November 1985 Geneva Summit and the October 1986 Reykjavik Summit. In that short span the Soviets capped off their 25 year strategic buildup by adding 5,300 warheads, topping out at some 45,000 warheads -- this despite the U.S. having frozen the total number of its warheads in 1967 at just over 31,000, and reducing them constantly. So much for setting an example. Yes, Gorbachev came around, as Russia's economy imploded. Do not expect the fanatical mullahs to do the same. Second, absolutely confident verification of a clandestine stockpile of warheads and missiles is simply impossible at present, and likely will remain so for a long time. We failed to find a dozen jet planes Saddam hid in the sand, until after his overthrow. Concealing cruise missiles with nuclear warheads would be, by comparison, child's play. Finally, there is no justification for confidence in the UN's ability to stop any determined nuclear aspirant. The worst nations will simply ignore entreaties and evade inspections. What can work -- the only thing that can -- is positive regime change. The Soviet Union evaded arms treaty obligations for years, and concealed the full size of its massive strategic buildup; only with the accession of Mikhail Gorbachev late in the Cold War did things change for the better. Until similar change comes to Pakistan, North Korea, and Iran, expect abolition to remain what Schlesinger obliquely hinted it is: a hallucination masquerading as a vision. It was precisely this opportunity -- positive regime change -- that President Obama spurned in June 2009 when the Iranian opposition formed in fury at the stolen election that returned Islamist President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad to the Iranian presidency. Instead of siding with the demonstrators and uniting a coalition to put maximum pressure on the mullahs Obama stood aside; he contented himself with feeble verbal sallies. He pursued arms talks with a leadership that had never honored an agreement made, and clearly was determined to pursue its nuclear ambitions. And he allowed Russia and China to water down several rounds of sanctions. Only in the past two months have sanctions against Iranian oil and financial interests become strong enough to bite. Which brings us to the emerging showdown in the Persian Gulf, as Iran defiantly marches forward, Israel prepares to strike if, as is likely, sanctions fail, and America and Europe prepare for the convulsions likely to follow, which could include multiple wars in the Mideast and global economic disaster. Nuclear zero creates another danger: that public desire for abolition trumps practical obstacles to verification and pushes Western nations to disarm first. Were a nuke to detonate anywhere on the planet, momentum for unilateral disarmament could snowball. Nuclear zero advocates fan such emotional flames. Put simply, elephants in the room do not go away if you ignore them. And if not stopped, they can trample us all. ]]></description>
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		<title>In Defense Of Life</title>
		<link>http://www.obamashitlist.com/2012/02/10/in-defense-of-life/</link>
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		<pubDate>Fri, 10 Feb 2012 13:16:57 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>richwas</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Barack Obama]]></category>
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		<description><![CDATA[Jill Stanek and Christ Hospital in Oak Lawn, Illinois Jill Stanek and Barack Obama in the Illinois Legislature Links to Barack Obama’s votes on IL’s Born Alive Infant Protection Act The Obama Debate Every American Should See Robert P. George, October 14, 2008  Obama&#8217;s Abortion Extremism Robert P. George and Yuval Levin, October 16, 2008 ]]></description>
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		<title>Give Peace a Chance</title>
		<link>http://www.obamashitlist.com/2012/02/08/give-peace-a-chance/</link>
		<comments>http://www.obamashitlist.com/2012/02/08/give-peace-a-chance/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 08 Feb 2012 21:01:00 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Markisacopyrightthief</dc:creator>
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		<description><![CDATA[ Allllllllllllllll we are sayyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyying….is give peace a chance!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! First, there is no need for an apology from Quin Hillyer to Jeff Lord. None. Conservatives are the ones who make a big deal about "character." My friend Quin has it, has always had it, and I know it. (He can occasionally be a character too, but that's another issue altogether!) But I confess I was baffled at first when seeing his missive, and after hearing from a number of people, more irritated than mad. I was inclined to just not respond, then, grudgingly I confess, I decided it had to be done. As someone who is always advising friends in the public eye on the importance, in the age of the eternal Internet, to respond to unfair accusations because the original charge can and will sit in cyberspace unanswered for eternity as we know it, I felt I should take my own advice. It's my job -- Quin's job -- to observe, investigate, report, opine. This is the very heart of the existence of The American Spectator , Bob Tyrrell's great creation that will be celebrating its fiftieth anniversary a mere five years distant in 2017. What Quin and I are here to do, and in fact what the entire conservative movement is about -- is to provide sharp, insightful, hopefully always clear conservative thought on the issues of the day. In the doing of this there is bound to be disagreement sharply expressed. Is Newt a conservative? I say yes, Quin says no. Bob Tyrrell himself is no Newt fan and has, in his typical and now famous style, said so. Is Christine O'Donnell the right choice in Delaware? I said yes, Quin passed out. I'm a fan of Rush, Sean and Mark and the work they do every day. I'm not a fan of Ron Paul on foreign policy. Hundreds and hundreds of Dr. Paul's legions regularly disagree and tell me what an idiot I am. All of this is to the good. In other words, disagreement between and among conservatives is the coin of the realm here. While it understandably can get lost in dust-ups like the one Quin and I had, in fact it is a sign of intellectual vitality. If everyone agreed we could all sit at home eating, drinking and making merry knowing our only job is to pull the lever for Obama in November. Fat chance! This, to me at least, is an important thing to understand. In his wonderful Reagan book The Age of Reagan 1980-1989 , Steven F. Hayward writes this: In a manner that eludes many historians, political scientists, and reporters, the most successful presidencies tend to be those that have factional disagreements within their inner councils, whereas sycophantic administrations tend to get in the most trouble. Fractiousness in an administration is a sign of health: the Jefferson-Hamilton feud in Washington's administration, the rivalry within Lincoln's cabinet, and the odd combination of fervent New Dealers and conventional Democrats in FDR's White House provided a dynamic tension that contributed to successful governance. Though the partisans of the distinct camps in the Reagan White House would be loath to admit it, their feuding probably contributed to better policy in many cases. An attempted Reaganite purge, of either the party or his own staff, might well have backfired and snuffed out the spontaneous slow-motion revolution within the party that was already under way, and which gained new momentum in the 1990's under the spur of figures such as Newt Gingrich. Steve Hayward, I believe, has it right. And I for one believe this thought applies not just to presidencies but conservative magazines]]></description>
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		<title>Jennifer Rubin to Endorse Santorum, Reject Romney?</title>
		<link>http://www.obamashitlist.com/2012/02/07/jennifer-rubin-to-endorse-santorum-reject-romney/</link>
		<comments>http://www.obamashitlist.com/2012/02/07/jennifer-rubin-to-endorse-santorum-reject-romney/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 08 Feb 2012 00:17:00 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>richwas</dc:creator>
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		<description><![CDATA[ Quin, you ignorant slut. (Sorry, I still love that old Dan Aykroyd/Jane Curtin Saturday Night Live routine of TV pundits with Dan's classic opening line to his presumed colleague.) Now, I like my friend Quin Hillyer. Seriously and really, I do. Life is too short for silly feuds. Particularly when one party to the feud has no idea whatsoever what can generate such emotional, visceral…well…I don't know what to call it. You decide… here is his all-points bulletin about me from last week. So. Let's indulge Quin. Let's help Jennifer Rubin out, shall we? She's for Santorum, my colleague Quin Hillyer says flatly. Not… repeat not… Romney. "She" would be Ms. Rubin, the Washington Post 's designated conservative columnist who has been widely and repeatedly reported to be a supporter of former Massachusetts Governor Mitt Romney. As seen here in US News and World Report , here in the Daily Caller, here in New York Magazine , here in Forbes Magazine , here in Politico quoting Blogger Dan Riehl ]]></description>
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		<title>Jennifer Rubin to Endorse Santorum, Reject Romney?</title>
		<link>http://www.obamashitlist.com/2012/02/07/jennifer-rubin-to-endorse-santorum-reject-romney/</link>
		<comments>http://www.obamashitlist.com/2012/02/07/jennifer-rubin-to-endorse-santorum-reject-romney/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 08 Feb 2012 00:17:00 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>LautzVanderbeck393</dc:creator>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.obamashitlist.com/2012/02/07/jennifer-rubin-to-endorse-santorum-reject-romney/</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[ Quin, you ignorant slut. (Sorry, I still love that old Dan Aykroyd/Jane Curtin Saturday Night Live routine of TV pundits with Dan's classic opening line to his presumed colleague.) Now, I like my friend Quin Hillyer. Seriously and really, I do. Life is too short for silly feuds. Particularly when one party to the feud has no idea whatsoever what can generate such emotional, visceral…well…I don't know what to call it. You decide… here is his all-points bulletin about me from last week. So. Let's indulge Quin. Let's help Jennifer Rubin out, shall we? She's for Santorum, my colleague Quin Hillyer says flatly. Not… repeat not… Romney. "She" would be Ms. Rubin, the Washington Post 's designated conservative columnist who has been widely and repeatedly reported to be a supporter of former Massachusetts Governor Mitt Romney. As seen here in US News and World Report , here in the Daily Caller, here in New York Magazine , here in Forbes Magazine , here in Politico quoting Blogger Dan Riehl ]]></description>
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		<title>The United Nations&#8217; Rogue Agency</title>
		<link>http://www.obamashitlist.com/2012/02/07/the-united-nations-rogue-agency/</link>
		<comments>http://www.obamashitlist.com/2012/02/07/the-united-nations-rogue-agency/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Tue, 07 Feb 2012 16:11:00 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Onoshobishobi</dc:creator>
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		<description><![CDATA[ We have all heard the jocular remark about the inmates taking over the asylum. But I had never actually witnessed that unnerving event until last October 31, when I spent an afternoon in the press gallery of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization in Paris. The vast conference hall was not quite a madhouse, but it was noisy, agitated, and full of wild surmise. Hundreds of delegates from member states milled about, chattering excitedly as the president of UNESCO's biennial general conference plaintively called for them to take their seats and get on with the business at hand. To wit, voting on a request by the Palestinian Authority for membership—and with it, the first recognition of its statehood by a United Nations agency. The stakes were high. In its quest for statehood without making concessions to Israel, the PA had applied for full membership in the UN in September, but it was obvious that the U.S. would veto that ploy in the Security Council. So PA President Mahmoud Abbas was targeting a weak link in the UN system where the veto does not exist. He knew that UNESCO, with its fuzzy cultural mandate, was as open to political manipulation now as it had been when it was an ideological battlefield in the Cold War. The U.S. had made abundantly clear that, due to laws dating from the 1990s, admitting Palestine to any UN agency would mean an immediate cutoff of American funding. In UNESCO's case, this amounted to fully 22 percent of its budget. There was no leeway for interpretation, no possibility of waiving the laws' provisions. Perversely, that seemed only to sharpen the delegates' appetite for admitting Palestine. As the roll was called, it became obvious that they relished thumbing their collective nose at the U.S. and the handful of member states that held this was the wrong place to decide Palestinian statehood. Cheers greeted votes in favor by delegations from Africa, South America, the Middle East, Russia, China, and, of course, France. Joining the fun was the ambassador from Uzbekistan, the beauteous 32-year-old Lola Karimova-Tillyaeva, socialite daughter of President Islam Karimov, whose use of torture against dissidents, including boiling to death, the UN itself has termed "systematic." A sprinkling of moans or boos rippled through the assembly when the U.S., Germany, Holland, and a few others voted against. The president repeatedly called for a bit of decorum. Not a chance: now the grinning, gibbering, gesticulating inmates had indeed taken over. The final vote was 107 in favor to 14 against, with 52 abstentions. For anyone who still believed in UNESCO's mission, it was an appalling spectacle. With that frivolous, self-defeating act, UNESCO signaled to the world that, once again, it was becoming the UN's over-politicized rogue agency. IT WAS A LOSE-LOSE MOVE both for Palestine and UNESCO itself. After the grandstanding, Palestine was no closer to statehood and possibly further away, hardening positions and jeopardizing the peace process. "It was an extremely reckless and callous move by Abbas," one dismayed Western ambassador to UNESCO told me later. "There are no winners in this. Abbas has alienated some of his most important supporters." The State Department and both parties in Congress quickly denounced the vote. As Texas Republican Kay Granger, chair of the House State and Foreign Operations Appropriations Subcommittee, had warned, "I have made it clear to the Palestinian leadership that I would not support sending U.S. taxpayer money to the Palestinians if they sought statehood at the United Nations. There are consequences for short-cutting the process, not only for the Palestinians, but for our longstanding relationship with the United Nations." UNESCO immediately began suffering those consequences, starting with the loss of America's contribution of about $80 million to its budget for last year, for 2012, and perhaps indefinitely. "We have to take drastic action and take it now," the director general, Irina Bokova, said unhappily. "We are reviewing all activities in all areas, including staff travel, publications, communication costs, meetings, and the rest." Some 20 of its 57 field offices might have to be closed. It is paying the logical price for letting politics trump its cultural/educational mandate, and demonstrating that UNESCO lends itself, systemically, to this kind of abuse. Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it, as the man said, and this fiasco reminded me of the bad old days of the 1980s. UNESCO was then a hotbed of vicious anti-Western ideology complete with strident condemnations of America. Instead of concentrating on fostering "full and equal opportunities for education for all, in the unrestricted pursuit of objective truth, and in the free exchange of ideas and knowledge," it became a political tool wielded by the Third World and the Soviet bloc. "If you don't like what we are proposing," an African delegate once shouted at Westerners, "we will jam it down your throats until you choke!" One notorious program promoted a socialist-lining New International Economic Order. Its undeclared purpose was to redistribute Western wealth to a global welfare state; private enterprise was dismissed as "an economy of waste." Educational grants were funding violent Marxist movements like the Palestine Liberation Organization and the Soviet-armed South-West Africa People's Organization. Another wayward project was euphemistically called Communication in the Service of Man. In reality it promoted a New World Information and Communication Order with state licensing and codes of correct conduct for newsmen. When in 1983 France expelled 47 KGB spies, a dozen were under cover at UNESCO. The director general was one Amadou-Mahtar M'Bow, a volatile, irascible Senegalese who ran it like a profitable personal fief. Official funds were used to stroke his supporters. All job appointments and promotions were personally approved by him and based on ideology and nationality. When a planned U.S. audit of financial irregularities was announced, a mysterious fire destroyed key files. Disgusted and demoralized, competent senior staff fled, one protesting in writing "the destruction of professionalism." The U.S., too, left: Ronald Reagan finally had enough and pulled America out of UNESCO in 1984. WITH NO PERCEPTIBLE REPERCUSSIONS on American citizens except tax savings, it stayed out for 19 years. In 2003, George W. Bush took us back in "as a symbol of our commitment to human dignity." The organization had been reformed, he noted hopefully at the time, "and America will participate fully in its mission to advance human rights and tolerance and learning." Laura Bush later became, and remains, a UNESCO goodwill ambassador. After all, idealistic America has always been an important part of this organization with utopian visions, beginning with its creation. The first American member of the executive board, the writer Archibald MacLeish, wrote the high-flown preamble to UNESCO's constitution: "Since wars begin in the minds of men, it is in the minds of men that the defenses of peace must be constructed." Today it has grown to 195 member states, more than any other multinational organization including the UN itself. Its staff of some 2,000 toil in half-a-dozen buildings at its sprawling Paris headquarters and field offices. They handle a biennial budget of $653 million, plus millions more in extra-budgetary contributions. At its best, it can be useful for monitoring and standard-setting in fields like education, science, and information. Member-state delegations I spoke with voiced many complaints about UNESCO—especially its growing politicization—but mostly like its education programs. American officials generally praise its efforts for universal literacy and clean water, women's education, and disaster preparedness. One of its largest American-supported education projects is in Afghanistan, with literacy centers for both civilians and Afghan police officers. Membership can also be good for American business. Companies like Apple, Cisco, Intel, Google, and Microsoft are cooperating with UNESCO because it opens access to global markets. As David T. Killion, U.S. ambassador to the organization, told me, "We think there are critical American interests at stake here: moral, cultural, national security, even economic interests. We think this is a strategic piece of real estate in the international system. It can get us to places we couldn't get to otherwise." But Killion has been publicly critical of the political manipulation that goes on. Formerly a leading voice on international organizations with the House Foreign Affairs Committee, he made the rounds of delegations trying to dissuade them from voting for Palestinian admission. During the executive board's debate on the question he took the floor to express America's "strong opposition." He added, "We are profoundly disappointed that this issue has injected a difficult political issue into this organization, and believe that it has the potential to undermine severely the organization's ability to carry out its critical mandate." In 2010, he protested UNESCO's tendency to single out Israel for criticism. "This undermines UNESCO's credibility," he said. "The U.S. strongly encourages the executive board to seek an alternative to highly politicized decisions and seemingly permanent agenda items focused only on one country." If the organization keeps hammering Israel, it is due to its aggressive Arab-African regional bloc of members. Its influence over UNESCO can be seen in ways large and small. There was the scandal over World Philosophy Day. UNESCO inexplicably decided the 2010 conference would be held in Tehran, capital of that beacon of free thought, Iran—an inexcusable choice by an organization supposedly dedicated to freedom and human rights. Shocked academics around the world declared a boycott, calling the confab a propaganda exercise for a brutal regime. "It's as if they decided to hold a philosophy conference in Berlin in 1938—with Goebbels as its head!" said Dr. Ramin Jahanbegloo, an expatriate Iranian philosopher teaching at the University of Toronto. Backpedaling, an embarrassed UNESCO first said the conference would go ahead as scheduled, then tried to dissociate itself from events in Teheran by holding a parallel meeting in Paris. Confusion all around, along with red faces. UNESCO's warped attitude toward Israel showed again in its ham-fisted condemnation last fall of a political cartoon. Published in the Israeli newspaper Haaretz , it depicted Premier Benjamin Netanyahu and his defense minister briefing pilots before an imaginary attack on Iran, telling them to target UNESCO's office in the West Bank on their way back—a joking reference to Netanyahu's anger over the admission of Palestine. Within hours, a UNESCO assistant director general solemnly summoned Israeli Ambassador Nimrod Barkan and handed him an overwrought official protest saying, preposterously, that the cartoon "endangers the lives of unarmed diplomats." Barkan merely reminded him that Israel enjoys a free press. "We've heard of Islamists raging against supposedly disrespectful cartoons," an Israeli Foreign Ministry spokesman commented, "but UN officials going down the same road, that's a whole new ballgame." THAT BLUNDER WAS ONLY a peccadillo compared with the ludicrous mess last year over filling an opening on the UNESCO committee that deals with human rights issues. The mind-boggling choice: Syria. No matter that the UN's own High Commissioner for Human Rights recommends that the regime of Bashar al-Assad be prosecuted in the International Criminal Court in The Hague for crimes against humanity. That includes slaughtering some 5,000 demonstrators, including 300 children, and arresting 14,000 in its recent crackdown on opposition protests. This grotesquerie was created by manipulating the organization's skewed procedural rules. Syria was elected to the executive board two years ago, and all members have the right to sit on its committees. Once the Arab bloc decided for its own reasons to put Syria on human rights, it was a done deal. "It's shameful for the UN's prime agency on science, culture, and education to take a country that is shooting its own people and empower it to decide human rights issues on a global scale," says Hillel Neuer, executive director of the Geneva-based UN Watch, an independent human rights monitoring group. Commented Florida Republican Congresswoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, who chairs the House Foreign Affairs Committee, "UNESCO continues to outdo itself with stunning displays of irresponsible and dangerous behavior. The selection of Syria to serve on a UNESCO committee responsible for human rights is an affront to those suffering at the hands of tyrants all around the world. The Administration must continue to follow U.S. law and withhold funds to UNESCO so our tax dollars are not used to support this increasingly irresponsible agency." Attempting to distance itself from the gaffe, UNESCO quietly let it be known that Director General Bokova actually disapproved of the choice but had her hands tied. That only underscored that Bokova, a soft-spoken, graying, grandmotherly lady of 60, has a tiger by the tail. In reality the organization is run by the volatile, unpredictable, pliant general conference, and the 58-member executive board that sets the conference agenda. The Arab-African bloc has an automatic 20 votes on the board, and can easily find another 10 from emerging nations for a majority to push through policies predictably anti-Western, or utterly irrational, like the vote on Palestine. However well-intentioned, Bokova is powerless to control or prevent its rogue actions. Elected in 2009 as UNESCO's first woman director general, Bokova was a member of Bulgaria's Socialist—formerly Communist—Party, as well as ambassador to France and UNESCO itself. She had served as Bulgaria's foreign minister under Premier Zhan Videnov, who did little to clean up the country's post-communist cesspool of organized crime and corruption. She is a convert to press freedom—she certainly did not learn it from her father, who edited Bulgaria's main, party-lining communist newspaper. Like many of the privileged of her generation, she studied at Moscow's State Institute of International Relations, later doing stints at the University of Maryland and Harvard. "I am from this cold war generation that lived through this period; we didn't choose it," Bokova told the New York Times defensively before her election. "I have nothing to be ashamed of." Her election was symptomatic of the penchant of multilateral organizations for choosing the least common denominator. She is certainly not the strong, decisive leader UNESCO needs to keep the rambunctious executive board and general conference from riding roughshod over it. But in one respect at least, Bokova's election helped UNESCO avoid another spectacular calamity. Her only rival for the position, backed by the Arab-African bloc, was the Egyptian culture minister Farouk Hosny. Hosny's record for promoting culture and defending human rights was of the Middle Eastern variety. He had declared he would personally burn any Jewish book found in Egypt's great Alexandria library. He also boasted he had helped organize the 1985 escape of the Palestine Liberation Front hijackers of the Achille Lauro cruise ship, the charmers who shot the disabled American Leon Klinghoffer and shoved him overboard in his wheelchair. This being UNESCO, Hosny almost became its director. Arm-twisting and threatening, Egypt and its allies on the executive board managed to push the election to five rounds of voting—unprecedented in the organization's history—before Bokova narrowly won. That a thug like Hosny could come within a hair of UNESCO's top job speaks volumes. ITS STATE PRIORITIES are also revealing. Number one on the official list is Africa, followed by gender equality. Only then come proper core activities like education, ethics, and intercultural dialogue. So no one should be surprised if the African tail wags the UNESCO dog. Official documents are peppered with the phrase "especially in Africa." Its Cultural Commission considers that intercultural dialogue mainly means raising awareness of the slave trade, slavery, and the African diaspora. The general conference last November proudly expressed its official satisfaction with the publication of the eight-volume General History of Africa , "making this masterpiece of UNESCO one of the major intellectual achievements of the 20th century [sic]." This order of priorities can lead to the occasional crack-up. Most spectacular in recent memory was the $3 million UNESCO Obiang Nguema Mbasogo International Prize for Research in the Life Sciences, set up in 2008. Never awarded, it was suspended in 2010 after protests ranging from Nobel laureates and press freedom groups to human rights defenders around the world. How could such a generous, euphonious, impressively named prize with the worthy goal of encouraging scientific research cause such a brouhaha? Consider the donor. President Obiang, who has ruled Equatorial Guinea with a despotic hand since taking power in a coup 30 years ago, is justly renowned for rigged elections, arrest and murder of opposition leaders, muzzling the press, and what a UN special rapporteur termed "inhuman conditions" and "systematic torture" in the country's prisons. Along with this goes, naturally, unabashed corruption in the use of the country's abundant oil wealth for himself and his family. Appropriately enough, the $3 million prize money was delivered to UNESCO in cash. When protests over this transparent attempt to improve a brutal dictator's image became too embarrassing, Bokova called for the prize to be withdrawn in 2010 and said she would not be involved with it. Furious backroom politicking followed. Western diplomats, typically scared of looking colonialist or, quelle horreur , anti-African, took a back seat and left it to the sub-Saharans to annul the prize and return the money, presumably in small-denomination banknotes. The Arabs said they would support any decision by the Africans. Those worthies said the prize must be awarded. There things stand, with UNESCO still holding the $3 million—Obiang refuses to take it back—and scheduled to take up the question again in April. Bokova, being against the prize after being for it, was left looking compromised. As a longtime secretariat member told me privately, "There was a very strong feeling here that it was wrong to accept it, just as we were against admitting Palestine. But these things get done anyway, despite what we feel is right." Clearly out of control, it's anyone's guess what this outfit's next caper might be. Compared with the missteps of priority Africa, priority gender equality looks innocent enough. Of course women and girls should be taught to read and write, and UNESCO has programs in that field. And they should certainly be protected from discrimination, though it's hard to see what UNESCO does about that except preach the good word. But in its effort to please feminist zealots, the organization inevitably ends up looking more than a bit silly. As when it slavishly altered UNESCO's slogan to read, "Building peace in the minds of men and women ." It has become a one-stop shop for everything on the feminists' shopping list, plus some pleasant surprises. Do media women in the Maghreb need courses in "gender sensitive scriptwriting"? It held a workshop in Casablanca for that. Do downtrodden female philosophers need to "write free from the looming gaze of an imaginary, universal, male reader"? There's a Women Philosophers' Journal where they can. And while writing, they can refer to the UNESCO "Guidelines on Gender-Neutral Language" pamphlet, with its gross cartoons showing male chauvinists ruthlessly dominating helpless females. It is surely helpful to women raising children amid poverty and disease to know that "human power" is better than "manpower," "wife and husband" preferable to "man and wife," "intrepid child" tops "tomboy." OF ALL UNESCO's countless programs, the World Heritage List is by far the best known. The 936 properties in 153 countries, including 21 in the U.S. from Yellowstone to the Statue of Liberty, are selected as being "of outstanding universal value." When the Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage was adopted in 1972, it was to ensure that important natural and manmade sites were not wantonly endangered—a worthy cause to be sure. But today UNESCO has twisted its meaning to satisfy as many of its client activists as possible. The new slogan of its flagship program is World Heritage and Sustainable Development , thereby pleasing the greens and those who view UNESCO primarily as an economic development, not cultural, agency. (Just for the record, culture properly understood has nothing whatever to do with economic development, as many an impecunious writer can attest.) As Irina Bokova said in a recent speech announcing the upcoming 40th anniversary celebrations of the convention, "Heritage stands at the crossroads of climate change, social transformations and processes of reconciliation between peoples. Heritage carries high stakes—for the identity and belonging of peoples, for the sustainable economic and social development of communities." Anybody feel left out? To be sure, with a headquarters staff of 80 running the program, the World Heritage Committee can sometimes help avoid damage to important sites. When in 1995 Egypt planned a new highway near the Giza Pyramids which might have blighted the site, negotiations with the Egyptian government found a solution. And when the archaeological site of Delphi in Greece was threatened by plans for an aluminum plant nearby, the Greek government was persuaded to find another location. But many observers are increasingly unhappy with the way the World Heritage Committee operates. They accuse it of inappropriate politicization and, ultimately, corruption of its original mandate. This came to light publicly at the general conference last November, when the Estonian ambassador, Marten Kokk, stood up and said aloud what many insiders were thinking. "We regret to say," he declared, "that the increasing operational problems and politicization of the World Heritage Committee compromise the credibility of the [1972] Convention and the World Heritage List." He also criticized conflicts of interest on the committee, with members abusing their positions to win selection of candidate sites in their home countries. Interviews with other delegations made clear what Kokk was concerned about. "Several delegations are unhappy with the way the Committee is selecting sites for its list," the ambassador of one Nordic country told me. (Delegations I interviewed insisted on anonymity when voicing criticism.) "Too often, the decision is made not on the grounds of a site's historical or aesthetic value, but for political reasons. As a result, the committee's choices diverge more and more frequently from the professional advice of the outside experts who make recommendations. This is against the very raison d'être of the 1972 Convention." A member of a different delegation, who sat on the committee for four years, confirmed this. "It's clear that, for political reasons, the World Heritage Committee is not complying with the recommendations of the experts in selecting sites," he said. "There are many obvious cases. We regret this very much." A recent report by an external auditor confirms the program's corruption. It notes that in one recent year, six candidate sites that the experts did not find "of outstanding universal value" were selected as heritage sites anyway for political and economic reasons. MEMBER STATES OBVIOUSLY consider that it is worth doing whatever necessary to get as many World Heritage sites as possible. They mean prestige, jobs, and economic development in the form of increased tourism. Travel agencies tout package tours focused on World Heritage-listed sites, manna from heaven for poor countries. "Is the World Heritage Committee politicized?" asked one disabused Western ambassador I talked with. "Everything at the UN is politicized. Should the committee be overturning the recommendations of the experts? Absolutely not, and we have to put pressure on member states not to do that anymore." A committee official says that it is now considering the growing criticism and issuing new operational guidelines. "We hope these reforms will correct anomalies," he says, without explaining how. Some locations with World Heritage sites are learning that it's not an unmixed blessing. The German city of Dresden, known for its splendid baroque and rococo architecture, won heritage status in 2004 for its restored city center including palaces, churches, opera houses, and museums. Then in 2006 UNESCO's culture police frowned on the city fathers' decision to build a four-lane bridge across the river Elbe, more than a mile away from the historic center. They gravely "delisted" the city in 2009 for refusing to obey orders not to build. The citizens of Dresden now enjoy their new bridge and somehow continue to thrive in one of Germany's fastest-growing cities. Latest target of UNESCO intrusion is Liverpool. The English city on the Mersey, home of the Beatles, founded in 1207, was granted World Heritage status in 2004. Alas, a three-day visit by UNESCO inspectors last fall concluded with the warning that it would lose its status unless it made radical changes to the $9 billion Liverpool Waters project to regenerate its northern docklands. The project, a half-mile from the historic center, includes offices, a shopping mall, cruise liner terminal, and other job-creating features. "This project is absolutely vital for the future of the city," the head of the Liverpool city council, Joe Anderson, told me on the phone. "We have a 29 percent unemployment rate, and this will create jobs both now and for generations to come. Plans dating back 100 years show our forefathers wanted a similar docklands development. And now we have these outsiders trying to tell us how to shape our city." He still hopes for a compromise, but Liverpudlians will get their new docklands. The intrusions can get worse. Maladroitly designating a World Heritage site can actually spark warfare, a rather serious unintended consequence for an organization striving for a "culture of peace." That happened on the Cambodia-Thailand border after the Preah Vihear temple was selected in July 2008 in response to a Cambodian request. This reignited a longstanding border dispute over that area. Within weeks the first Thai and Cambodian soldiers were being killed in firefights, while thousands of civilians fled. The 1,000-year-old temple itself was damaged. The military standoff continues while the International Court of Justice considers the case. Meanwhile, UNESCO's boffins recently created a functionary's dream: a program that is, literally, infinite. If you liked physical, measurable World Heritage, they reasoned, you'll love the intangible heritage that can exist simply in the minds and habits of certain people. This can mean everything from oral traditions, performing arts, social practices, quaint rituals and festivities, to "knowledge and practices concerning nature and the universe." There are already 267 intangible heritage items, but, as an expansive program official explains, "There exist in the world thousands, even billions of potential practices that could be on the list. It's unlimited and infinite. The only limit is our capacity to handle it." You can bet that will be growing. Meanwhile, recent additions include the Mibu no Hana Taue rice planting ritual in Japan, Mexico's mariachi music, French cooking and horseback-riding, and Croatia's Nijemo Kolo, a silent circle dance from the hinterland of Dalmatia. The only really important heritage ritual still missing from the list is the Texas Two-Step, though it does unfortunately involve a man leading a woman. LESS THAN A DECADE after the U.S. rejoined, UNESCO, with the Palestinian flag now flying at its headquarters, has shown convincingly that it is back to its old political games. Whatever the best intentions of the secretariat, political infighting will always trump good works. Africa, the Middle East, and the emerging nations own it. They may individually contribute 1 percent or less to the budget, but their vote equals America's. Without weighted voting according to contributions, or some safety valve like the UN's Security Council, they will stay in the driver's seat. It is unrealistic to think the U.S. can significantly influence UNESCO's direction, as the futile campaign to block the admission of Palestine shows. The organization does have worthwhile programs in literacy, tsunami warning systems, clean water, post-disaster relief, and others. But unlike some other UN agencies that occasionally have quantifiable, visible results, most of UNESCO's activities are impossible to assess objectively and are oriented to pleasing its activist clients. Moreover, in the absence of any sunset clauses, vested interests can keep asinine or downright undesirable programs, all with overwhelmingly self-important names, running indefinitely. Britain, far more tough-minded toward ineffective UN agencies than the Obama administration, did its own independent assessment of UNESCO last year. Among other failings, the study found it "is unable to identify its impact. Systematic results reporting and evaluation is not adequately practiced.… UNESCO is under-delivering significantly in its leadership of the education sector.… Long-lasting historic underperformance now means much of UNESCO's mandate is often done elsewhere." Without improvement, the UK threatens to cut its funding, as it has already to UN Habitat, the UN International Strategy for Disaster Reduction, and the International Labor Organization. Do useful programs in education and the like require a heavy, inept, expensive international bureaucracy? Or could unilateral foreign aid, along with ad hoc groupings of nations, nongovernmental organizations, and corporate sponsors do the job more efficiently? The question is rapidly becoming academic for the U.S. By cutting off its funding to UNESCO, America has de facto begun heading for the exit. It is not an option to humiliatingly lose all moral authority there by trying to remain a member without paying our dues. (Internal murmuring against the U.S. on this score has already begun.) Washington policymakers must accept the logic of this situation and either change the laws that created it or declare America's official withdrawal. Bokova's December trip to Washington to lobby the Hill changed few minds. Her argument, that U.S. influence abroad will be reduced without its voice at the culture palace on the Seine, pales beside UNESCO's endemic flaws. "UNESCO is easy to criticize, even to mock. How could it be otherwise? Here we have an organization which has set out to influence the educational, scientific and cultural activities of the world—no less. Obviously ridiculous and laughable! Yet would it not be more helpful to suspend judgment at least until the facts have been looked at as a whole?" Those words were written in 1951 by a former UNESCO staff member, Britain's Theodore Besterman, in the first book ever published about the organization. It shows that the UN's cultural agency, with its ill-defined, infinite utopian mandate, has been open to abuse and invited criticism since the beginning. The difference is that now the facts are in. ]]></description>
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		<title>The United Nations&#8217; Rogue Agency</title>
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		<description><![CDATA[ We have all heard the jocular remark about the inmates taking over the asylum. But I had never actually witnessed that unnerving event until last October 31, when I spent an afternoon in the press gallery of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization in Paris. The vast conference hall was not quite a madhouse, but it was noisy, agitated, and full of wild surmise. Hundreds of delegates from member states milled about, chattering excitedly as the president of UNESCO's biennial general conference plaintively called for them to take their seats and get on with the business at hand. To wit, voting on a request by the Palestinian Authority for membership—and with it, the first recognition of its statehood by a United Nations agency. The stakes were high. In its quest for statehood without making concessions to Israel, the PA had applied for full membership in the UN in September, but it was obvious that the U.S. would veto that ploy in the Security Council. So PA President Mahmoud Abbas was targeting a weak link in the UN system where the veto does not exist. He knew that UNESCO, with its fuzzy cultural mandate, was as open to political manipulation now as it had been when it was an ideological battlefield in the Cold War. The U.S. had made abundantly clear that, due to laws dating from the 1990s, admitting Palestine to any UN agency would mean an immediate cutoff of American funding. In UNESCO's case, this amounted to fully 22 percent of its budget. There was no leeway for interpretation, no possibility of waiving the laws' provisions. Perversely, that seemed only to sharpen the delegates' appetite for admitting Palestine. As the roll was called, it became obvious that they relished thumbing their collective nose at the U.S. and the handful of member states that held this was the wrong place to decide Palestinian statehood. Cheers greeted votes in favor by delegations from Africa, South America, the Middle East, Russia, China, and, of course, France. Joining the fun was the ambassador from Uzbekistan, the beauteous 32-year-old Lola Karimova-Tillyaeva, socialite daughter of President Islam Karimov, whose use of torture against dissidents, including boiling to death, the UN itself has termed "systematic." A sprinkling of moans or boos rippled through the assembly when the U.S., Germany, Holland, and a few others voted against. The president repeatedly called for a bit of decorum. Not a chance: now the grinning, gibbering, gesticulating inmates had indeed taken over. The final vote was 107 in favor to 14 against, with 52 abstentions. For anyone who still believed in UNESCO's mission, it was an appalling spectacle. With that frivolous, self-defeating act, UNESCO signaled to the world that, once again, it was becoming the UN's over-politicized rogue agency. IT WAS A LOSE-LOSE MOVE both for Palestine and UNESCO itself. After the grandstanding, Palestine was no closer to statehood and possibly further away, hardening positions and jeopardizing the peace process. "It was an extremely reckless and callous move by Abbas," one dismayed Western ambassador to UNESCO told me later. "There are no winners in this. Abbas has alienated some of his most important supporters." The State Department and both parties in Congress quickly denounced the vote. As Texas Republican Kay Granger, chair of the House State and Foreign Operations Appropriations Subcommittee, had warned, "I have made it clear to the Palestinian leadership that I would not support sending U.S. taxpayer money to the Palestinians if they sought statehood at the United Nations. There are consequences for short-cutting the process, not only for the Palestinians, but for our longstanding relationship with the United Nations." UNESCO immediately began suffering those consequences, starting with the loss of America's contribution of about $80 million to its budget for last year, for 2012, and perhaps indefinitely. "We have to take drastic action and take it now," the director general, Irina Bokova, said unhappily. "We are reviewing all activities in all areas, including staff travel, publications, communication costs, meetings, and the rest." Some 20 of its 57 field offices might have to be closed. It is paying the logical price for letting politics trump its cultural/educational mandate, and demonstrating that UNESCO lends itself, systemically, to this kind of abuse. Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it, as the man said, and this fiasco reminded me of the bad old days of the 1980s. UNESCO was then a hotbed of vicious anti-Western ideology complete with strident condemnations of America. Instead of concentrating on fostering "full and equal opportunities for education for all, in the unrestricted pursuit of objective truth, and in the free exchange of ideas and knowledge," it became a political tool wielded by the Third World and the Soviet bloc. "If you don't like what we are proposing," an African delegate once shouted at Westerners, "we will jam it down your throats until you choke!" One notorious program promoted a socialist-lining New International Economic Order. Its undeclared purpose was to redistribute Western wealth to a global welfare state; private enterprise was dismissed as "an economy of waste." Educational grants were funding violent Marxist movements like the Palestine Liberation Organization and the Soviet-armed South-West Africa People's Organization. Another wayward project was euphemistically called Communication in the Service of Man. In reality it promoted a New World Information and Communication Order with state licensing and codes of correct conduct for newsmen. When in 1983 France expelled 47 KGB spies, a dozen were under cover at UNESCO. The director general was one Amadou-Mahtar M'Bow, a volatile, irascible Senegalese who ran it like a profitable personal fief. Official funds were used to stroke his supporters. All job appointments and promotions were personally approved by him and based on ideology and nationality. When a planned U.S. audit of financial irregularities was announced, a mysterious fire destroyed key files. Disgusted and demoralized, competent senior staff fled, one protesting in writing "the destruction of professionalism." The U.S., too, left: Ronald Reagan finally had enough and pulled America out of UNESCO in 1984. WITH NO PERCEPTIBLE REPERCUSSIONS on American citizens except tax savings, it stayed out for 19 years. In 2003, George W. Bush took us back in "as a symbol of our commitment to human dignity." The organization had been reformed, he noted hopefully at the time, "and America will participate fully in its mission to advance human rights and tolerance and learning." Laura Bush later became, and remains, a UNESCO goodwill ambassador. After all, idealistic America has always been an important part of this organization with utopian visions, beginning with its creation. The first American member of the executive board, the writer Archibald MacLeish, wrote the high-flown preamble to UNESCO's constitution: "Since wars begin in the minds of men, it is in the minds of men that the defenses of peace must be constructed." Today it has grown to 195 member states, more than any other multinational organization including the UN itself. Its staff of some 2,000 toil in half-a-dozen buildings at its sprawling Paris headquarters and field offices. They handle a biennial budget of $653 million, plus millions more in extra-budgetary contributions. At its best, it can be useful for monitoring and standard-setting in fields like education, science, and information. Member-state delegations I spoke with voiced many complaints about UNESCO—especially its growing politicization—but mostly like its education programs. American officials generally praise its efforts for universal literacy and clean water, women's education, and disaster preparedness. One of its largest American-supported education projects is in Afghanistan, with literacy centers for both civilians and Afghan police officers. Membership can also be good for American business. Companies like Apple, Cisco, Intel, Google, and Microsoft are cooperating with UNESCO because it opens access to global markets. As David T. Killion, U.S. ambassador to the organization, told me, "We think there are critical American interests at stake here: moral, cultural, national security, even economic interests. We think this is a strategic piece of real estate in the international system. It can get us to places we couldn't get to otherwise." But Killion has been publicly critical of the political manipulation that goes on. Formerly a leading voice on international organizations with the House Foreign Affairs Committee, he made the rounds of delegations trying to dissuade them from voting for Palestinian admission. During the executive board's debate on the question he took the floor to express America's "strong opposition." He added, "We are profoundly disappointed that this issue has injected a difficult political issue into this organization, and believe that it has the potential to undermine severely the organization's ability to carry out its critical mandate." In 2010, he protested UNESCO's tendency to single out Israel for criticism. "This undermines UNESCO's credibility," he said. "The U.S. strongly encourages the executive board to seek an alternative to highly politicized decisions and seemingly permanent agenda items focused only on one country." If the organization keeps hammering Israel, it is due to its aggressive Arab-African regional bloc of members. Its influence over UNESCO can be seen in ways large and small. There was the scandal over World Philosophy Day. UNESCO inexplicably decided the 2010 conference would be held in Tehran, capital of that beacon of free thought, Iran—an inexcusable choice by an organization supposedly dedicated to freedom and human rights. Shocked academics around the world declared a boycott, calling the confab a propaganda exercise for a brutal regime. "It's as if they decided to hold a philosophy conference in Berlin in 1938—with Goebbels as its head!" said Dr. Ramin Jahanbegloo, an expatriate Iranian philosopher teaching at the University of Toronto. Backpedaling, an embarrassed UNESCO first said the conference would go ahead as scheduled, then tried to dissociate itself from events in Teheran by holding a parallel meeting in Paris. Confusion all around, along with red faces. UNESCO's warped attitude toward Israel showed again in its ham-fisted condemnation last fall of a political cartoon. Published in the Israeli newspaper Haaretz , it depicted Premier Benjamin Netanyahu and his defense minister briefing pilots before an imaginary attack on Iran, telling them to target UNESCO's office in the West Bank on their way back—a joking reference to Netanyahu's anger over the admission of Palestine. Within hours, a UNESCO assistant director general solemnly summoned Israeli Ambassador Nimrod Barkan and handed him an overwrought official protest saying, preposterously, that the cartoon "endangers the lives of unarmed diplomats." Barkan merely reminded him that Israel enjoys a free press. "We've heard of Islamists raging against supposedly disrespectful cartoons," an Israeli Foreign Ministry spokesman commented, "but UN officials going down the same road, that's a whole new ballgame." THAT BLUNDER WAS ONLY a peccadillo compared with the ludicrous mess last year over filling an opening on the UNESCO committee that deals with human rights issues. The mind-boggling choice: Syria. No matter that the UN's own High Commissioner for Human Rights recommends that the regime of Bashar al-Assad be prosecuted in the International Criminal Court in The Hague for crimes against humanity. That includes slaughtering some 5,000 demonstrators, including 300 children, and arresting 14,000 in its recent crackdown on opposition protests. This grotesquerie was created by manipulating the organization's skewed procedural rules. Syria was elected to the executive board two years ago, and all members have the right to sit on its committees. Once the Arab bloc decided for its own reasons to put Syria on human rights, it was a done deal. "It's shameful for the UN's prime agency on science, culture, and education to take a country that is shooting its own people and empower it to decide human rights issues on a global scale," says Hillel Neuer, executive director of the Geneva-based UN Watch, an independent human rights monitoring group. Commented Florida Republican Congresswoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, who chairs the House Foreign Affairs Committee, "UNESCO continues to outdo itself with stunning displays of irresponsible and dangerous behavior. The selection of Syria to serve on a UNESCO committee responsible for human rights is an affront to those suffering at the hands of tyrants all around the world. The Administration must continue to follow U.S. law and withhold funds to UNESCO so our tax dollars are not used to support this increasingly irresponsible agency." Attempting to distance itself from the gaffe, UNESCO quietly let it be known that Director General Bokova actually disapproved of the choice but had her hands tied. That only underscored that Bokova, a soft-spoken, graying, grandmotherly lady of 60, has a tiger by the tail. In reality the organization is run by the volatile, unpredictable, pliant general conference, and the 58-member executive board that sets the conference agenda. The Arab-African bloc has an automatic 20 votes on the board, and can easily find another 10 from emerging nations for a majority to push through policies predictably anti-Western, or utterly irrational, like the vote on Palestine. However well-intentioned, Bokova is powerless to control or prevent its rogue actions. Elected in 2009 as UNESCO's first woman director general, Bokova was a member of Bulgaria's Socialist—formerly Communist—Party, as well as ambassador to France and UNESCO itself. She had served as Bulgaria's foreign minister under Premier Zhan Videnov, who did little to clean up the country's post-communist cesspool of organized crime and corruption. She is a convert to press freedom—she certainly did not learn it from her father, who edited Bulgaria's main, party-lining communist newspaper. Like many of the privileged of her generation, she studied at Moscow's State Institute of International Relations, later doing stints at the University of Maryland and Harvard. "I am from this cold war generation that lived through this period; we didn't choose it," Bokova told the New York Times defensively before her election. "I have nothing to be ashamed of." Her election was symptomatic of the penchant of multilateral organizations for choosing the least common denominator. She is certainly not the strong, decisive leader UNESCO needs to keep the rambunctious executive board and general conference from riding roughshod over it. But in one respect at least, Bokova's election helped UNESCO avoid another spectacular calamity. Her only rival for the position, backed by the Arab-African bloc, was the Egyptian culture minister Farouk Hosny. Hosny's record for promoting culture and defending human rights was of the Middle Eastern variety. He had declared he would personally burn any Jewish book found in Egypt's great Alexandria library. He also boasted he had helped organize the 1985 escape of the Palestine Liberation Front hijackers of the Achille Lauro cruise ship, the charmers who shot the disabled American Leon Klinghoffer and shoved him overboard in his wheelchair. This being UNESCO, Hosny almost became its director. Arm-twisting and threatening, Egypt and its allies on the executive board managed to push the election to five rounds of voting—unprecedented in the organization's history—before Bokova narrowly won. That a thug like Hosny could come within a hair of UNESCO's top job speaks volumes. ITS STATE PRIORITIES are also revealing. Number one on the official list is Africa, followed by gender equality. Only then come proper core activities like education, ethics, and intercultural dialogue. So no one should be surprised if the African tail wags the UNESCO dog. Official documents are peppered with the phrase "especially in Africa." Its Cultural Commission considers that intercultural dialogue mainly means raising awareness of the slave trade, slavery, and the African diaspora. The general conference last November proudly expressed its official satisfaction with the publication of the eight-volume General History of Africa , "making this masterpiece of UNESCO one of the major intellectual achievements of the 20th century [sic]." This order of priorities can lead to the occasional crack-up. Most spectacular in recent memory was the $3 million UNESCO Obiang Nguema Mbasogo International Prize for Research in the Life Sciences, set up in 2008. Never awarded, it was suspended in 2010 after protests ranging from Nobel laureates and press freedom groups to human rights defenders around the world. How could such a generous, euphonious, impressively named prize with the worthy goal of encouraging scientific research cause such a brouhaha? Consider the donor. President Obiang, who has ruled Equatorial Guinea with a despotic hand since taking power in a coup 30 years ago, is justly renowned for rigged elections, arrest and murder of opposition leaders, muzzling the press, and what a UN special rapporteur termed "inhuman conditions" and "systematic torture" in the country's prisons. Along with this goes, naturally, unabashed corruption in the use of the country's abundant oil wealth for himself and his family. Appropriately enough, the $3 million prize money was delivered to UNESCO in cash. When protests over this transparent attempt to improve a brutal dictator's image became too embarrassing, Bokova called for the prize to be withdrawn in 2010 and said she would not be involved with it. Furious backroom politicking followed. Western diplomats, typically scared of looking colonialist or, quelle horreur , anti-African, took a back seat and left it to the sub-Saharans to annul the prize and return the money, presumably in small-denomination banknotes. The Arabs said they would support any decision by the Africans. Those worthies said the prize must be awarded. There things stand, with UNESCO still holding the $3 million—Obiang refuses to take it back—and scheduled to take up the question again in April. Bokova, being against the prize after being for it, was left looking compromised. As a longtime secretariat member told me privately, "There was a very strong feeling here that it was wrong to accept it, just as we were against admitting Palestine. But these things get done anyway, despite what we feel is right." Clearly out of control, it's anyone's guess what this outfit's next caper might be. Compared with the missteps of priority Africa, priority gender equality looks innocent enough. Of course women and girls should be taught to read and write, and UNESCO has programs in that field. And they should certainly be protected from discrimination, though it's hard to see what UNESCO does about that except preach the good word. But in its effort to please feminist zealots, the organization inevitably ends up looking more than a bit silly. As when it slavishly altered UNESCO's slogan to read, "Building peace in the minds of men and women ." It has become a one-stop shop for everything on the feminists' shopping list, plus some pleasant surprises. Do media women in the Maghreb need courses in "gender sensitive scriptwriting"? It held a workshop in Casablanca for that. Do downtrodden female philosophers need to "write free from the looming gaze of an imaginary, universal, male reader"? There's a Women Philosophers' Journal where they can. And while writing, they can refer to the UNESCO "Guidelines on Gender-Neutral Language" pamphlet, with its gross cartoons showing male chauvinists ruthlessly dominating helpless females. It is surely helpful to women raising children amid poverty and disease to know that "human power" is better than "manpower," "wife and husband" preferable to "man and wife," "intrepid child" tops "tomboy." OF ALL UNESCO's countless programs, the World Heritage List is by far the best known. The 936 properties in 153 countries, including 21 in the U.S. from Yellowstone to the Statue of Liberty, are selected as being "of outstanding universal value." When the Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage was adopted in 1972, it was to ensure that important natural and manmade sites were not wantonly endangered—a worthy cause to be sure. But today UNESCO has twisted its meaning to satisfy as many of its client activists as possible. The new slogan of its flagship program is World Heritage and Sustainable Development , thereby pleasing the greens and those who view UNESCO primarily as an economic development, not cultural, agency. (Just for the record, culture properly understood has nothing whatever to do with economic development, as many an impecunious writer can attest.) As Irina Bokova said in a recent speech announcing the upcoming 40th anniversary celebrations of the convention, "Heritage stands at the crossroads of climate change, social transformations and processes of reconciliation between peoples. Heritage carries high stakes—for the identity and belonging of peoples, for the sustainable economic and social development of communities." Anybody feel left out? To be sure, with a headquarters staff of 80 running the program, the World Heritage Committee can sometimes help avoid damage to important sites. When in 1995 Egypt planned a new highway near the Giza Pyramids which might have blighted the site, negotiations with the Egyptian government found a solution. And when the archaeological site of Delphi in Greece was threatened by plans for an aluminum plant nearby, the Greek government was persuaded to find another location. But many observers are increasingly unhappy with the way the World Heritage Committee operates. They accuse it of inappropriate politicization and, ultimately, corruption of its original mandate. This came to light publicly at the general conference last November, when the Estonian ambassador, Marten Kokk, stood up and said aloud what many insiders were thinking. "We regret to say," he declared, "that the increasing operational problems and politicization of the World Heritage Committee compromise the credibility of the [1972] Convention and the World Heritage List." He also criticized conflicts of interest on the committee, with members abusing their positions to win selection of candidate sites in their home countries. Interviews with other delegations made clear what Kokk was concerned about. "Several delegations are unhappy with the way the Committee is selecting sites for its list," the ambassador of one Nordic country told me. (Delegations I interviewed insisted on anonymity when voicing criticism.) "Too often, the decision is made not on the grounds of a site's historical or aesthetic value, but for political reasons. As a result, the committee's choices diverge more and more frequently from the professional advice of the outside experts who make recommendations. This is against the very raison d'être of the 1972 Convention." A member of a different delegation, who sat on the committee for four years, confirmed this. "It's clear that, for political reasons, the World Heritage Committee is not complying with the recommendations of the experts in selecting sites," he said. "There are many obvious cases. We regret this very much." A recent report by an external auditor confirms the program's corruption. It notes that in one recent year, six candidate sites that the experts did not find "of outstanding universal value" were selected as heritage sites anyway for political and economic reasons. MEMBER STATES OBVIOUSLY consider that it is worth doing whatever necessary to get as many World Heritage sites as possible. They mean prestige, jobs, and economic development in the form of increased tourism. Travel agencies tout package tours focused on World Heritage-listed sites, manna from heaven for poor countries. "Is the World Heritage Committee politicized?" asked one disabused Western ambassador I talked with. "Everything at the UN is politicized. Should the committee be overturning the recommendations of the experts? Absolutely not, and we have to put pressure on member states not to do that anymore." A committee official says that it is now considering the growing criticism and issuing new operational guidelines. "We hope these reforms will correct anomalies," he says, without explaining how. Some locations with World Heritage sites are learning that it's not an unmixed blessing. The German city of Dresden, known for its splendid baroque and rococo architecture, won heritage status in 2004 for its restored city center including palaces, churches, opera houses, and museums. Then in 2006 UNESCO's culture police frowned on the city fathers' decision to build a four-lane bridge across the river Elbe, more than a mile away from the historic center. They gravely "delisted" the city in 2009 for refusing to obey orders not to build. The citizens of Dresden now enjoy their new bridge and somehow continue to thrive in one of Germany's fastest-growing cities. Latest target of UNESCO intrusion is Liverpool. The English city on the Mersey, home of the Beatles, founded in 1207, was granted World Heritage status in 2004. Alas, a three-day visit by UNESCO inspectors last fall concluded with the warning that it would lose its status unless it made radical changes to the $9 billion Liverpool Waters project to regenerate its northern docklands. The project, a half-mile from the historic center, includes offices, a shopping mall, cruise liner terminal, and other job-creating features. "This project is absolutely vital for the future of the city," the head of the Liverpool city council, Joe Anderson, told me on the phone. "We have a 29 percent unemployment rate, and this will create jobs both now and for generations to come. Plans dating back 100 years show our forefathers wanted a similar docklands development. And now we have these outsiders trying to tell us how to shape our city." He still hopes for a compromise, but Liverpudlians will get their new docklands. The intrusions can get worse. Maladroitly designating a World Heritage site can actually spark warfare, a rather serious unintended consequence for an organization striving for a "culture of peace." That happened on the Cambodia-Thailand border after the Preah Vihear temple was selected in July 2008 in response to a Cambodian request. This reignited a longstanding border dispute over that area. Within weeks the first Thai and Cambodian soldiers were being killed in firefights, while thousands of civilians fled. The 1,000-year-old temple itself was damaged. The military standoff continues while the International Court of Justice considers the case. Meanwhile, UNESCO's boffins recently created a functionary's dream: a program that is, literally, infinite. If you liked physical, measurable World Heritage, they reasoned, you'll love the intangible heritage that can exist simply in the minds and habits of certain people. This can mean everything from oral traditions, performing arts, social practices, quaint rituals and festivities, to "knowledge and practices concerning nature and the universe." There are already 267 intangible heritage items, but, as an expansive program official explains, "There exist in the world thousands, even billions of potential practices that could be on the list. It's unlimited and infinite. The only limit is our capacity to handle it." You can bet that will be growing. Meanwhile, recent additions include the Mibu no Hana Taue rice planting ritual in Japan, Mexico's mariachi music, French cooking and horseback-riding, and Croatia's Nijemo Kolo, a silent circle dance from the hinterland of Dalmatia. The only really important heritage ritual still missing from the list is the Texas Two-Step, though it does unfortunately involve a man leading a woman. LESS THAN A DECADE after the U.S. rejoined, UNESCO, with the Palestinian flag now flying at its headquarters, has shown convincingly that it is back to its old political games. Whatever the best intentions of the secretariat, political infighting will always trump good works. Africa, the Middle East, and the emerging nations own it. They may individually contribute 1 percent or less to the budget, but their vote equals America's. Without weighted voting according to contributions, or some safety valve like the UN's Security Council, they will stay in the driver's seat. It is unrealistic to think the U.S. can significantly influence UNESCO's direction, as the futile campaign to block the admission of Palestine shows. The organization does have worthwhile programs in literacy, tsunami warning systems, clean water, post-disaster relief, and others. But unlike some other UN agencies that occasionally have quantifiable, visible results, most of UNESCO's activities are impossible to assess objectively and are oriented to pleasing its activist clients. Moreover, in the absence of any sunset clauses, vested interests can keep asinine or downright undesirable programs, all with overwhelmingly self-important names, running indefinitely. Britain, far more tough-minded toward ineffective UN agencies than the Obama administration, did its own independent assessment of UNESCO last year. Among other failings, the study found it "is unable to identify its impact. Systematic results reporting and evaluation is not adequately practiced.… UNESCO is under-delivering significantly in its leadership of the education sector.… Long-lasting historic underperformance now means much of UNESCO's mandate is often done elsewhere." Without improvement, the UK threatens to cut its funding, as it has already to UN Habitat, the UN International Strategy for Disaster Reduction, and the International Labor Organization. Do useful programs in education and the like require a heavy, inept, expensive international bureaucracy? Or could unilateral foreign aid, along with ad hoc groupings of nations, nongovernmental organizations, and corporate sponsors do the job more efficiently? The question is rapidly becoming academic for the U.S. By cutting off its funding to UNESCO, America has de facto begun heading for the exit. It is not an option to humiliatingly lose all moral authority there by trying to remain a member without paying our dues. (Internal murmuring against the U.S. on this score has already begun.) Washington policymakers must accept the logic of this situation and either change the laws that created it or declare America's official withdrawal. Bokova's December trip to Washington to lobby the Hill changed few minds. Her argument, that U.S. influence abroad will be reduced without its voice at the culture palace on the Seine, pales beside UNESCO's endemic flaws. "UNESCO is easy to criticize, even to mock. How could it be otherwise? Here we have an organization which has set out to influence the educational, scientific and cultural activities of the world—no less. Obviously ridiculous and laughable! Yet would it not be more helpful to suspend judgment at least until the facts have been looked at as a whole?" Those words were written in 1951 by a former UNESCO staff member, Britain's Theodore Besterman, in the first book ever published about the organization. It shows that the UN's cultural agency, with its ill-defined, infinite utopian mandate, has been open to abuse and invited criticism since the beginning. The difference is that now the facts are in. ]]></description>
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		<title>The United Nations&#8217; Rogue Agency</title>
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		<description><![CDATA[ We have all heard the jocular remark about the inmates taking over the asylum. But I had never actually witnessed that unnerving event until last October 31, when I spent an afternoon in the press gallery of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization in Paris. The vast conference hall was not quite a madhouse, but it was noisy, agitated, and full of wild surmise. Hundreds of delegates from member states milled about, chattering excitedly as the president of UNESCO's biennial general conference plaintively called for them to take their seats and get on with the business at hand. To wit, voting on a request by the Palestinian Authority for membership—and with it, the first recognition of its statehood by a United Nations agency. The stakes were high. In its quest for statehood without making concessions to Israel, the PA had applied for full membership in the UN in September, but it was obvious that the U.S. would veto that ploy in the Security Council. So PA President Mahmoud Abbas was targeting a weak link in the UN system where the veto does not exist. He knew that UNESCO, with its fuzzy cultural mandate, was as open to political manipulation now as it had been when it was an ideological battlefield in the Cold War. The U.S. had made abundantly clear that, due to laws dating from the 1990s, admitting Palestine to any UN agency would mean an immediate cutoff of American funding. In UNESCO's case, this amounted to fully 22 percent of its budget. There was no leeway for interpretation, no possibility of waiving the laws' provisions. Perversely, that seemed only to sharpen the delegates' appetite for admitting Palestine. As the roll was called, it became obvious that they relished thumbing their collective nose at the U.S. and the handful of member states that held this was the wrong place to decide Palestinian statehood. Cheers greeted votes in favor by delegations from Africa, South America, the Middle East, Russia, China, and, of course, France. Joining the fun was the ambassador from Uzbekistan, the beauteous 32-year-old Lola Karimova-Tillyaeva, socialite daughter of President Islam Karimov, whose use of torture against dissidents, including boiling to death, the UN itself has termed "systematic." A sprinkling of moans or boos rippled through the assembly when the U.S., Germany, Holland, and a few others voted against. The president repeatedly called for a bit of decorum. Not a chance: now the grinning, gibbering, gesticulating inmates had indeed taken over. The final vote was 107 in favor to 14 against, with 52 abstentions. For anyone who still believed in UNESCO's mission, it was an appalling spectacle. With that frivolous, self-defeating act, UNESCO signaled to the world that, once again, it was becoming the UN's over-politicized rogue agency. IT WAS A LOSE-LOSE MOVE both for Palestine and UNESCO itself. After the grandstanding, Palestine was no closer to statehood and possibly further away, hardening positions and jeopardizing the peace process. "It was an extremely reckless and callous move by Abbas," one dismayed Western ambassador to UNESCO told me later. "There are no winners in this. Abbas has alienated some of his most important supporters." The State Department and both parties in Congress quickly denounced the vote. As Texas Republican Kay Granger, chair of the House State and Foreign Operations Appropriations Subcommittee, had warned, "I have made it clear to the Palestinian leadership that I would not support sending U.S. taxpayer money to the Palestinians if they sought statehood at the United Nations. There are consequences for short-cutting the process, not only for the Palestinians, but for our longstanding relationship with the United Nations." UNESCO immediately began suffering those consequences, starting with the loss of America's contribution of about $80 million to its budget for last year, for 2012, and perhaps indefinitely. "We have to take drastic action and take it now," the director general, Irina Bokova, said unhappily. "We are reviewing all activities in all areas, including staff travel, publications, communication costs, meetings, and the rest." Some 20 of its 57 field offices might have to be closed. It is paying the logical price for letting politics trump its cultural/educational mandate, and demonstrating that UNESCO lends itself, systemically, to this kind of abuse. Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it, as the man said, and this fiasco reminded me of the bad old days of the 1980s. UNESCO was then a hotbed of vicious anti-Western ideology complete with strident condemnations of America. Instead of concentrating on fostering "full and equal opportunities for education for all, in the unrestricted pursuit of objective truth, and in the free exchange of ideas and knowledge," it became a political tool wielded by the Third World and the Soviet bloc. "If you don't like what we are proposing," an African delegate once shouted at Westerners, "we will jam it down your throats until you choke!" One notorious program promoted a socialist-lining New International Economic Order. Its undeclared purpose was to redistribute Western wealth to a global welfare state; private enterprise was dismissed as "an economy of waste." Educational grants were funding violent Marxist movements like the Palestine Liberation Organization and the Soviet-armed South-West Africa People's Organization. Another wayward project was euphemistically called Communication in the Service of Man. In reality it promoted a New World Information and Communication Order with state licensing and codes of correct conduct for newsmen. When in 1983 France expelled 47 KGB spies, a dozen were under cover at UNESCO. The director general was one Amadou-Mahtar M'Bow, a volatile, irascible Senegalese who ran it like a profitable personal fief. Official funds were used to stroke his supporters. All job appointments and promotions were personally approved by him and based on ideology and nationality. When a planned U.S. audit of financial irregularities was announced, a mysterious fire destroyed key files. Disgusted and demoralized, competent senior staff fled, one protesting in writing "the destruction of professionalism." The U.S., too, left: Ronald Reagan finally had enough and pulled America out of UNESCO in 1984. WITH NO PERCEPTIBLE REPERCUSSIONS on American citizens except tax savings, it stayed out for 19 years. In 2003, George W. Bush took us back in "as a symbol of our commitment to human dignity." The organization had been reformed, he noted hopefully at the time, "and America will participate fully in its mission to advance human rights and tolerance and learning." Laura Bush later became, and remains, a UNESCO goodwill ambassador. After all, idealistic America has always been an important part of this organization with utopian visions, beginning with its creation. The first American member of the executive board, the writer Archibald MacLeish, wrote the high-flown preamble to UNESCO's constitution: "Since wars begin in the minds of men, it is in the minds of men that the defenses of peace must be constructed." Today it has grown to 195 member states, more than any other multinational organization including the UN itself. Its staff of some 2,000 toil in half-a-dozen buildings at its sprawling Paris headquarters and field offices. They handle a biennial budget of $653 million, plus millions more in extra-budgetary contributions. At its best, it can be useful for monitoring and standard-setting in fields like education, science, and information. Member-state delegations I spoke with voiced many complaints about UNESCO—especially its growing politicization—but mostly like its education programs. American officials generally praise its efforts for universal literacy and clean water, women's education, and disaster preparedness. One of its largest American-supported education projects is in Afghanistan, with literacy centers for both civilians and Afghan police officers. Membership can also be good for American business. Companies like Apple, Cisco, Intel, Google, and Microsoft are cooperating with UNESCO because it opens access to global markets. As David T. Killion, U.S. ambassador to the organization, told me, "We think there are critical American interests at stake here: moral, cultural, national security, even economic interests. We think this is a strategic piece of real estate in the international system. It can get us to places we couldn't get to otherwise." But Killion has been publicly critical of the political manipulation that goes on. Formerly a leading voice on international organizations with the House Foreign Affairs Committee, he made the rounds of delegations trying to dissuade them from voting for Palestinian admission. During the executive board's debate on the question he took the floor to express America's "strong opposition." He added, "We are profoundly disappointed that this issue has injected a difficult political issue into this organization, and believe that it has the potential to undermine severely the organization's ability to carry out its critical mandate." In 2010, he protested UNESCO's tendency to single out Israel for criticism. "This undermines UNESCO's credibility," he said. "The U.S. strongly encourages the executive board to seek an alternative to highly politicized decisions and seemingly permanent agenda items focused only on one country." If the organization keeps hammering Israel, it is due to its aggressive Arab-African regional bloc of members. Its influence over UNESCO can be seen in ways large and small. There was the scandal over World Philosophy Day. UNESCO inexplicably decided the 2010 conference would be held in Tehran, capital of that beacon of free thought, Iran—an inexcusable choice by an organization supposedly dedicated to freedom and human rights. Shocked academics around the world declared a boycott, calling the confab a propaganda exercise for a brutal regime. "It's as if they decided to hold a philosophy conference in Berlin in 1938—with Goebbels as its head!" said Dr. Ramin Jahanbegloo, an expatriate Iranian philosopher teaching at the University of Toronto. Backpedaling, an embarrassed UNESCO first said the conference would go ahead as scheduled, then tried to dissociate itself from events in Teheran by holding a parallel meeting in Paris. Confusion all around, along with red faces. UNESCO's warped attitude toward Israel showed again in its ham-fisted condemnation last fall of a political cartoon. Published in the Israeli newspaper Haaretz , it depicted Premier Benjamin Netanyahu and his defense minister briefing pilots before an imaginary attack on Iran, telling them to target UNESCO's office in the West Bank on their way back—a joking reference to Netanyahu's anger over the admission of Palestine. Within hours, a UNESCO assistant director general solemnly summoned Israeli Ambassador Nimrod Barkan and handed him an overwrought official protest saying, preposterously, that the cartoon "endangers the lives of unarmed diplomats." Barkan merely reminded him that Israel enjoys a free press. "We've heard of Islamists raging against supposedly disrespectful cartoons," an Israeli Foreign Ministry spokesman commented, "but UN officials going down the same road, that's a whole new ballgame." THAT BLUNDER WAS ONLY a peccadillo compared with the ludicrous mess last year over filling an opening on the UNESCO committee that deals with human rights issues. The mind-boggling choice: Syria. No matter that the UN's own High Commissioner for Human Rights recommends that the regime of Bashar al-Assad be prosecuted in the International Criminal Court in The Hague for crimes against humanity. That includes slaughtering some 5,000 demonstrators, including 300 children, and arresting 14,000 in its recent crackdown on opposition protests. This grotesquerie was created by manipulating the organization's skewed procedural rules. Syria was elected to the executive board two years ago, and all members have the right to sit on its committees. Once the Arab bloc decided for its own reasons to put Syria on human rights, it was a done deal. "It's shameful for the UN's prime agency on science, culture, and education to take a country that is shooting its own people and empower it to decide human rights issues on a global scale," says Hillel Neuer, executive director of the Geneva-based UN Watch, an independent human rights monitoring group. Commented Florida Republican Congresswoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, who chairs the House Foreign Affairs Committee, "UNESCO continues to outdo itself with stunning displays of irresponsible and dangerous behavior. The selection of Syria to serve on a UNESCO committee responsible for human rights is an affront to those suffering at the hands of tyrants all around the world. The Administration must continue to follow U.S. law and withhold funds to UNESCO so our tax dollars are not used to support this increasingly irresponsible agency." Attempting to distance itself from the gaffe, UNESCO quietly let it be known that Director General Bokova actually disapproved of the choice but had her hands tied. That only underscored that Bokova, a soft-spoken, graying, grandmotherly lady of 60, has a tiger by the tail. In reality the organization is run by the volatile, unpredictable, pliant general conference, and the 58-member executive board that sets the conference agenda. The Arab-African bloc has an automatic 20 votes on the board, and can easily find another 10 from emerging nations for a majority to push through policies predictably anti-Western, or utterly irrational, like the vote on Palestine. However well-intentioned, Bokova is powerless to control or prevent its rogue actions. Elected in 2009 as UNESCO's first woman director general, Bokova was a member of Bulgaria's Socialist—formerly Communist—Party, as well as ambassador to France and UNESCO itself. She had served as Bulgaria's foreign minister under Premier Zhan Videnov, who did little to clean up the country's post-communist cesspool of organized crime and corruption. She is a convert to press freedom—she certainly did not learn it from her father, who edited Bulgaria's main, party-lining communist newspaper. Like many of the privileged of her generation, she studied at Moscow's State Institute of International Relations, later doing stints at the University of Maryland and Harvard. "I am from this cold war generation that lived through this period; we didn't choose it," Bokova told the New York Times defensively before her election. "I have nothing to be ashamed of." Her election was symptomatic of the penchant of multilateral organizations for choosing the least common denominator. She is certainly not the strong, decisive leader UNESCO needs to keep the rambunctious executive board and general conference from riding roughshod over it. But in one respect at least, Bokova's election helped UNESCO avoid another spectacular calamity. Her only rival for the position, backed by the Arab-African bloc, was the Egyptian culture minister Farouk Hosny. Hosny's record for promoting culture and defending human rights was of the Middle Eastern variety. He had declared he would personally burn any Jewish book found in Egypt's great Alexandria library. He also boasted he had helped organize the 1985 escape of the Palestine Liberation Front hijackers of the Achille Lauro cruise ship, the charmers who shot the disabled American Leon Klinghoffer and shoved him overboard in his wheelchair. This being UNESCO, Hosny almost became its director. Arm-twisting and threatening, Egypt and its allies on the executive board managed to push the election to five rounds of voting—unprecedented in the organization's history—before Bokova narrowly won. That a thug like Hosny could come within a hair of UNESCO's top job speaks volumes. ITS STATE PRIORITIES are also revealing. Number one on the official list is Africa, followed by gender equality. Only then come proper core activities like education, ethics, and intercultural dialogue. So no one should be surprised if the African tail wags the UNESCO dog. Official documents are peppered with the phrase "especially in Africa." Its Cultural Commission considers that intercultural dialogue mainly means raising awareness of the slave trade, slavery, and the African diaspora. The general conference last November proudly expressed its official satisfaction with the publication of the eight-volume General History of Africa , "making this masterpiece of UNESCO one of the major intellectual achievements of the 20th century [sic]." This order of priorities can lead to the occasional crack-up. Most spectacular in recent memory was the $3 million UNESCO Obiang Nguema Mbasogo International Prize for Research in the Life Sciences, set up in 2008. Never awarded, it was suspended in 2010 after protests ranging from Nobel laureates and press freedom groups to human rights defenders around the world. How could such a generous, euphonious, impressively named prize with the worthy goal of encouraging scientific research cause such a brouhaha? Consider the donor. President Obiang, who has ruled Equatorial Guinea with a despotic hand since taking power in a coup 30 years ago, is justly renowned for rigged elections, arrest and murder of opposition leaders, muzzling the press, and what a UN special rapporteur termed "inhuman conditions" and "systematic torture" in the country's prisons. Along with this goes, naturally, unabashed corruption in the use of the country's abundant oil wealth for himself and his family. Appropriately enough, the $3 million prize money was delivered to UNESCO in cash. When protests over this transparent attempt to improve a brutal dictator's image became too embarrassing, Bokova called for the prize to be withdrawn in 2010 and said she would not be involved with it. Furious backroom politicking followed. Western diplomats, typically scared of looking colonialist or, quelle horreur , anti-African, took a back seat and left it to the sub-Saharans to annul the prize and return the money, presumably in small-denomination banknotes. The Arabs said they would support any decision by the Africans. Those worthies said the prize must be awarded. There things stand, with UNESCO still holding the $3 million—Obiang refuses to take it back—and scheduled to take up the question again in April. Bokova, being against the prize after being for it, was left looking compromised. As a longtime secretariat member told me privately, "There was a very strong feeling here that it was wrong to accept it, just as we were against admitting Palestine. But these things get done anyway, despite what we feel is right." Clearly out of control, it's anyone's guess what this outfit's next caper might be. Compared with the missteps of priority Africa, priority gender equality looks innocent enough. Of course women and girls should be taught to read and write, and UNESCO has programs in that field. And they should certainly be protected from discrimination, though it's hard to see what UNESCO does about that except preach the good word. But in its effort to please feminist zealots, the organization inevitably ends up looking more than a bit silly. As when it slavishly altered UNESCO's slogan to read, "Building peace in the minds of men and women ." It has become a one-stop shop for everything on the feminists' shopping list, plus some pleasant surprises. Do media women in the Maghreb need courses in "gender sensitive scriptwriting"? It held a workshop in Casablanca for that. Do downtrodden female philosophers need to "write free from the looming gaze of an imaginary, universal, male reader"? There's a Women Philosophers' Journal where they can. And while writing, they can refer to the UNESCO "Guidelines on Gender-Neutral Language" pamphlet, with its gross cartoons showing male chauvinists ruthlessly dominating helpless females. It is surely helpful to women raising children amid poverty and disease to know that "human power" is better than "manpower," "wife and husband" preferable to "man and wife," "intrepid child" tops "tomboy." OF ALL UNESCO's countless programs, the World Heritage List is by far the best known. The 936 properties in 153 countries, including 21 in the U.S. from Yellowstone to the Statue of Liberty, are selected as being "of outstanding universal value." When the Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage was adopted in 1972, it was to ensure that important natural and manmade sites were not wantonly endangered—a worthy cause to be sure. But today UNESCO has twisted its meaning to satisfy as many of its client activists as possible. The new slogan of its flagship program is World Heritage and Sustainable Development , thereby pleasing the greens and those who view UNESCO primarily as an economic development, not cultural, agency. (Just for the record, culture properly understood has nothing whatever to do with economic development, as many an impecunious writer can attest.) As Irina Bokova said in a recent speech announcing the upcoming 40th anniversary celebrations of the convention, "Heritage stands at the crossroads of climate change, social transformations and processes of reconciliation between peoples. Heritage carries high stakes—for the identity and belonging of peoples, for the sustainable economic and social development of communities." Anybody feel left out? To be sure, with a headquarters staff of 80 running the program, the World Heritage Committee can sometimes help avoid damage to important sites. When in 1995 Egypt planned a new highway near the Giza Pyramids which might have blighted the site, negotiations with the Egyptian government found a solution. And when the archaeological site of Delphi in Greece was threatened by plans for an aluminum plant nearby, the Greek government was persuaded to find another location. But many observers are increasingly unhappy with the way the World Heritage Committee operates. They accuse it of inappropriate politicization and, ultimately, corruption of its original mandate. This came to light publicly at the general conference last November, when the Estonian ambassador, Marten Kokk, stood up and said aloud what many insiders were thinking. "We regret to say," he declared, "that the increasing operational problems and politicization of the World Heritage Committee compromise the credibility of the [1972] Convention and the World Heritage List." He also criticized conflicts of interest on the committee, with members abusing their positions to win selection of candidate sites in their home countries. Interviews with other delegations made clear what Kokk was concerned about. "Several delegations are unhappy with the way the Committee is selecting sites for its list," the ambassador of one Nordic country told me. (Delegations I interviewed insisted on anonymity when voicing criticism.) "Too often, the decision is made not on the grounds of a site's historical or aesthetic value, but for political reasons. As a result, the committee's choices diverge more and more frequently from the professional advice of the outside experts who make recommendations. This is against the very raison d'être of the 1972 Convention." A member of a different delegation, who sat on the committee for four years, confirmed this. "It's clear that, for political reasons, the World Heritage Committee is not complying with the recommendations of the experts in selecting sites," he said. "There are many obvious cases. We regret this very much." A recent report by an external auditor confirms the program's corruption. It notes that in one recent year, six candidate sites that the experts did not find "of outstanding universal value" were selected as heritage sites anyway for political and economic reasons. MEMBER STATES OBVIOUSLY consider that it is worth doing whatever necessary to get as many World Heritage sites as possible. They mean prestige, jobs, and economic development in the form of increased tourism. Travel agencies tout package tours focused on World Heritage-listed sites, manna from heaven for poor countries. "Is the World Heritage Committee politicized?" asked one disabused Western ambassador I talked with. "Everything at the UN is politicized. Should the committee be overturning the recommendations of the experts? Absolutely not, and we have to put pressure on member states not to do that anymore." A committee official says that it is now considering the growing criticism and issuing new operational guidelines. "We hope these reforms will correct anomalies," he says, without explaining how. Some locations with World Heritage sites are learning that it's not an unmixed blessing. The German city of Dresden, known for its splendid baroque and rococo architecture, won heritage status in 2004 for its restored city center including palaces, churches, opera houses, and museums. Then in 2006 UNESCO's culture police frowned on the city fathers' decision to build a four-lane bridge across the river Elbe, more than a mile away from the historic center. They gravely "delisted" the city in 2009 for refusing to obey orders not to build. The citizens of Dresden now enjoy their new bridge and somehow continue to thrive in one of Germany's fastest-growing cities. Latest target of UNESCO intrusion is Liverpool. The English city on the Mersey, home of the Beatles, founded in 1207, was granted World Heritage status in 2004. Alas, a three-day visit by UNESCO inspectors last fall concluded with the warning that it would lose its status unless it made radical changes to the $9 billion Liverpool Waters project to regenerate its northern docklands. The project, a half-mile from the historic center, includes offices, a shopping mall, cruise liner terminal, and other job-creating features. "This project is absolutely vital for the future of the city," the head of the Liverpool city council, Joe Anderson, told me on the phone. "We have a 29 percent unemployment rate, and this will create jobs both now and for generations to come. Plans dating back 100 years show our forefathers wanted a similar docklands development. And now we have these outsiders trying to tell us how to shape our city." He still hopes for a compromise, but Liverpudlians will get their new docklands. The intrusions can get worse. Maladroitly designating a World Heritage site can actually spark warfare, a rather serious unintended consequence for an organization striving for a "culture of peace." That happened on the Cambodia-Thailand border after the Preah Vihear temple was selected in July 2008 in response to a Cambodian request. This reignited a longstanding border dispute over that area. Within weeks the first Thai and Cambodian soldiers were being killed in firefights, while thousands of civilians fled. The 1,000-year-old temple itself was damaged. The military standoff continues while the International Court of Justice considers the case. Meanwhile, UNESCO's boffins recently created a functionary's dream: a program that is, literally, infinite. If you liked physical, measurable World Heritage, they reasoned, you'll love the intangible heritage that can exist simply in the minds and habits of certain people. This can mean everything from oral traditions, performing arts, social practices, quaint rituals and festivities, to "knowledge and practices concerning nature and the universe." There are already 267 intangible heritage items, but, as an expansive program official explains, "There exist in the world thousands, even billions of potential practices that could be on the list. It's unlimited and infinite. The only limit is our capacity to handle it." You can bet that will be growing. Meanwhile, recent additions include the Mibu no Hana Taue rice planting ritual in Japan, Mexico's mariachi music, French cooking and horseback-riding, and Croatia's Nijemo Kolo, a silent circle dance from the hinterland of Dalmatia. The only really important heritage ritual still missing from the list is the Texas Two-Step, though it does unfortunately involve a man leading a woman. LESS THAN A DECADE after the U.S. rejoined, UNESCO, with the Palestinian flag now flying at its headquarters, has shown convincingly that it is back to its old political games. Whatever the best intentions of the secretariat, political infighting will always trump good works. Africa, the Middle East, and the emerging nations own it. They may individually contribute 1 percent or less to the budget, but their vote equals America's. Without weighted voting according to contributions, or some safety valve like the UN's Security Council, they will stay in the driver's seat. It is unrealistic to think the U.S. can significantly influence UNESCO's direction, as the futile campaign to block the admission of Palestine shows. The organization does have worthwhile programs in literacy, tsunami warning systems, clean water, post-disaster relief, and others. But unlike some other UN agencies that occasionally have quantifiable, visible results, most of UNESCO's activities are impossible to assess objectively and are oriented to pleasing its activist clients. Moreover, in the absence of any sunset clauses, vested interests can keep asinine or downright undesirable programs, all with overwhelmingly self-important names, running indefinitely. Britain, far more tough-minded toward ineffective UN agencies than the Obama administration, did its own independent assessment of UNESCO last year. Among other failings, the study found it "is unable to identify its impact. Systematic results reporting and evaluation is not adequately practiced.… UNESCO is under-delivering significantly in its leadership of the education sector.… Long-lasting historic underperformance now means much of UNESCO's mandate is often done elsewhere." Without improvement, the UK threatens to cut its funding, as it has already to UN Habitat, the UN International Strategy for Disaster Reduction, and the International Labor Organization. Do useful programs in education and the like require a heavy, inept, expensive international bureaucracy? Or could unilateral foreign aid, along with ad hoc groupings of nations, nongovernmental organizations, and corporate sponsors do the job more efficiently? The question is rapidly becoming academic for the U.S. By cutting off its funding to UNESCO, America has de facto begun heading for the exit. It is not an option to humiliatingly lose all moral authority there by trying to remain a member without paying our dues. (Internal murmuring against the U.S. on this score has already begun.) Washington policymakers must accept the logic of this situation and either change the laws that created it or declare America's official withdrawal. Bokova's December trip to Washington to lobby the Hill changed few minds. Her argument, that U.S. influence abroad will be reduced without its voice at the culture palace on the Seine, pales beside UNESCO's endemic flaws. "UNESCO is easy to criticize, even to mock. How could it be otherwise? Here we have an organization which has set out to influence the educational, scientific and cultural activities of the world—no less. Obviously ridiculous and laughable! Yet would it not be more helpful to suspend judgment at least until the facts have been looked at as a whole?" Those words were written in 1951 by a former UNESCO staff member, Britain's Theodore Besterman, in the first book ever published about the organization. It shows that the UN's cultural agency, with its ill-defined, infinite utopian mandate, has been open to abuse and invited criticism since the beginning. The difference is that now the facts are in. ]]></description>
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		<title>Santorum Rejects Reagan Space Legacy</title>
		<link>http://www.obamashitlist.com/2012/02/07/santorum-rejects-reagan-space-legacy-2/</link>
		<comments>http://www.obamashitlist.com/2012/02/07/santorum-rejects-reagan-space-legacy-2/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Tue, 07 Feb 2012 16:09:00 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>LanaGalloway</dc:creator>
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		<description><![CDATA[ I like Rick Santorum. My former senator, whom I voted for three times and have written about here and here is conservative, a great family man, smart and passionate about his beliefs. So… I hate to say this, but at the moment: what a disappointment. What in the world is Rick Santorum thinking? Bad enough that Newt Gingrich and Rick Perry briefly put themselves out there to appear as the anti-capitalist candidates. In this corner, the instant reaction to that mercifully short epidemic of conservative Bain bashing was that if that's where Newt and Perry were headed on such a major conservative principle that Reagan so exemplified -- they should withdraw. Gingrich, typically, candidly admitted a mistake and stopped. His Super PAC ads vanished. Perry hung on to the idea, lost the support of a prominent South Carolina backer on the eve of the South Carolina primary, and withdrew. Now, for whatever reason, Rick Santorum is singing the same anti-conservative, anti-Reagan song -- just a different verse. This is his strategy to be The Conservative Alternative to moderate Mitt Romney? By joining Romney in rejecting the Reagan space legacy? Just as everybody is reminded both of Ronald Reagan's 101st birthday and the late January 1986 Challenger tragedy? Oh my. Instead of Bain bashing, Santorum is attacking Gingrich over the ex-Speaker's vow to return America to space exploration with a vengeance -- in the form of a moon colony. An obvious intent to carry forward with the Reagan space legacy made all the more potent by the Obama administration's deliberate halt to the very idea of a serious 21st century American presence in space. Appallingly, if predictably, Gingrich's decision to carry forward with Reagan's vision has already been mocked by the Obama-lite Romney. But Rick Santorum? The would-be "Authentic Conservative"? Bashing Ronald Reagan's vision? Sadly, yes . Call me gobsmacked, but now running out there on radio airtime is this Santorum-sponsored anti-Reagan space legacy commercial being presented as an attack on Gingrich. Mocks the Santorum commercial as reported in the Hill : "Reckless spending has led to $15 trillion of national debt," the voice-over in the ad says. "And what does Newt Gingrich suggest? Spending half a trillion dollars on a moon colony." "Gingrich's example is fiscal insanity," the ad continues. The ad goes on to argue that Santorum is the most authentic conservative in the GOP presidential field. Santorum has focused his attacks on Gingrich recently in an effort to win over conservative Republicans who favor the former Speaker. Santorum and Gingrich are fighting to be the conservative alternative to front-runner Mitt Romney. While campaigning in Florida before its primary on Jan. 31, Gingrich proposed putting a base on the moon. His suggestion was widely criticized by his opponents. Doubling down, Santorum wrote an op-ed on the subject, mocking the Reagan beliefs by comparing them to the cartoon character George Jetson. Earlier he'd said : "I promise you: no moon colonies, I promise." So let me see if I understand this. The week that the nation is be celebrating Ronald Reagan's 101st birthday -- that would be February 6 -- Rick Santorum has selected that exact moment to present himself as the anti-Reagan? With the nation still recalling the tragedy that was the explosion of the Challenger space shuttle 26 Januarys ago, Rick Santorum sides with… Barack Obama and Mr. Obama-Lite Mitt Romney? But says he's the most "authentic conservative"? Well. As the former president might say. If this is what passes for genius in the Santorum campaign to be The Conservative Alternative -- wow. And, in the spirit of fairness, since I suggested Gingrich get out of the campaign if he continued his Bain bashing (which he stopped) -- the sauce for the Gingrich and Perry geese should be ladled to the Santorum gander. If Rick Santorum is going to try and become The Conservative Alternative at the expense of the Reagan space legacy -- he should stop and get out of the campaign right now before he inflicts any more damage to himself and the conservative cause. Is there a Reagan space story here? Of course. One particular morning in January of 1986, a man named Michael Smith got up and went to work. On the bureau dresser, he left a file card with a note to his wife, Jane. And off he went. What did Michael Smith do? He was an astronaut. In fact, he was a crew member of an American space ship. Long before dawn, Michael Smith, along with his fellow crew members, was being suited up. The names of his fellow crew members were, in alphabetical order: Greg Jarvis Christa McAuliffe Ronald McNair Ellison Onizuka Judith Resnik Dick Scobee The name of their space ship -- a shuttle captained by Smith's fellow astronaut Dick Scobee? That's right: Challenger. In the White House that morning of January 28, it was busy. I was there. That night the President would make the famous ride up to Capitol Hill to deliver the traditional State of the Union Address. Anyone with a job in the various precincts of the president had their individual tasks, and I had mine. And then… and then. President Reagan would write it in his daily diary as follows: A day we'll remember for the rest of our lives. Started off with a staff meeting &#038; then a session with the Cong. Leadership of both parties. Had a go around with Tip (then-Speaker of the House Thomas P. O'Neill, a Democrat) -- think I came out pretty good…….. Then I was getting a briefing for the meeting I was to have with network anchors -- an advance on the St. of the Union address scheduled for tonight. In came Poindexter (the national security advisor) &#038; the V.P. with the news the shuttle Challenger had blown up on takeoff. We all headed for a TV &#038; saw the explosion re-played. From then on there was only (one) subject -- the death of the 6 crew &#038; 1 passenger -- Mrs. McAuliffe, the teacher who had won the right to make the flight. There is no way to describe our shock &#038; horror. We cancelled -- I should say postponed the St. of the Union address til next week. Abruptly, everything that was "normal" that day -- in the White House and America -- stopped in its tracks. The great American adventure that was space exploration was faced with a highly visible, globally televised tragedy. The images of the Challenger soaring into space, then literally exploding in a clear blue sky as the parents of school teacher-civilian astronaut Christa McAuliffe watched from nearby stands in dawning horror, were everywhere. Everywhere. What Americans who were alive that day remember is the President's speech to the nation that night. But there is another story, much unremembered today and obviously not recalled by Rick Santorum. Three days after the tragedy that was the Challenger explosion there was a memorial service in Houston at the NASA Space Center. The President and Mrs. Reagan departed the White House at 8:45 to board Air Force One and be there with the families. Some 14,000 people were in attendance. All those Americans who worked directly for NASA, along with the families of the seven astronauts who died that terrible day.]]></description>
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		<title>Santorum Rejects Reagan Space Legacy</title>
		<link>http://www.obamashitlist.com/2012/02/07/santorum-rejects-reagan-space-legacy/</link>
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		<pubDate>Tue, 07 Feb 2012 16:09:00 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>MendesIdalia899</dc:creator>
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		<description><![CDATA[ I like Rick Santorum. My former senator, whom I voted for three times and have written about here and here is conservative, a great family man, smart and passionate about his beliefs. So… I hate to say this, but at the moment: what a disappointment. What in the world is Rick Santorum thinking? Bad enough that Newt Gingrich and Rick Perry briefly put themselves out there to appear as the anti-capitalist candidates. In this corner, the instant reaction to that mercifully short epidemic of conservative Bain bashing was that if that's where Newt and Perry were headed on such a major conservative principle that Reagan so exemplified -- they should withdraw. Gingrich, typically, candidly admitted a mistake and stopped. His Super PAC ads vanished. Perry hung on to the idea, lost the support of a prominent South Carolina backer on the eve of the South Carolina primary, and withdrew. Now, for whatever reason, Rick Santorum is singing the same anti-conservative, anti-Reagan song -- just a different verse. This is his strategy to be The Conservative Alternative to moderate Mitt Romney? By joining Romney in rejecting the Reagan space legacy? Just as everybody is reminded both of Ronald Reagan's 101st birthday and the late January 1986 Challenger tragedy? Oh my. Instead of Bain bashing, Santorum is attacking Gingrich over the ex-Speaker's vow to return America to space exploration with a vengeance -- in the form of a moon colony. An obvious intent to carry forward with the Reagan space legacy made all the more potent by the Obama administration's deliberate halt to the very idea of a serious 21st century American presence in space. Appallingly, if predictably, Gingrich's decision to carry forward with Reagan's vision has already been mocked by the Obama-lite Romney. But Rick Santorum? The would-be "Authentic Conservative"? Bashing Ronald Reagan's vision? Sadly, yes . Call me gobsmacked, but now running out there on radio airtime is this Santorum-sponsored anti-Reagan space legacy commercial being presented as an attack on Gingrich. Mocks the Santorum commercial as reported in the Hill : "Reckless spending has led to $15 trillion of national debt," the voice-over in the ad says. "And what does Newt Gingrich suggest? Spending half a trillion dollars on a moon colony." "Gingrich's example is fiscal insanity," the ad continues. The ad goes on to argue that Santorum is the most authentic conservative in the GOP presidential field. Santorum has focused his attacks on Gingrich recently in an effort to win over conservative Republicans who favor the former Speaker. Santorum and Gingrich are fighting to be the conservative alternative to front-runner Mitt Romney. While campaigning in Florida before its primary on Jan. 31, Gingrich proposed putting a base on the moon. His suggestion was widely criticized by his opponents. Doubling down, Santorum wrote an op-ed on the subject, mocking the Reagan beliefs by comparing them to the cartoon character George Jetson. Earlier he'd said : "I promise you: no moon colonies, I promise." So let me see if I understand this. The week that the nation is be celebrating Ronald Reagan's 101st birthday -- that would be February 6 -- Rick Santorum has selected that exact moment to present himself as the anti-Reagan? With the nation still recalling the tragedy that was the explosion of the Challenger space shuttle 26 Januarys ago, Rick Santorum sides with… Barack Obama and Mr. Obama-Lite Mitt Romney? But says he's the most "authentic conservative"? Well. As the former president might say. If this is what passes for genius in the Santorum campaign to be The Conservative Alternative -- wow. And, in the spirit of fairness, since I suggested Gingrich get out of the campaign if he continued his Bain bashing (which he stopped) -- the sauce for the Gingrich and Perry geese should be ladled to the Santorum gander. If Rick Santorum is going to try and become The Conservative Alternative at the expense of the Reagan space legacy -- he should stop and get out of the campaign right now before he inflicts any more damage to himself and the conservative cause. Is there a Reagan space story here? Of course. One particular morning in January of 1986, a man named Michael Smith got up and went to work. On the bureau dresser, he left a file card with a note to his wife, Jane. And off he went. What did Michael Smith do? He was an astronaut. In fact, he was a crew member of an American space ship. Long before dawn, Michael Smith, along with his fellow crew members, was being suited up. The names of his fellow crew members were, in alphabetical order: Greg Jarvis Christa McAuliffe Ronald McNair Ellison Onizuka Judith Resnik Dick Scobee The name of their space ship -- a shuttle captained by Smith's fellow astronaut Dick Scobee? That's right: Challenger. In the White House that morning of January 28, it was busy. I was there. That night the President would make the famous ride up to Capitol Hill to deliver the traditional State of the Union Address. Anyone with a job in the various precincts of the president had their individual tasks, and I had mine. And then… and then. President Reagan would write it in his daily diary as follows: A day we'll remember for the rest of our lives. Started off with a staff meeting &#038; then a session with the Cong. Leadership of both parties. Had a go around with Tip (then-Speaker of the House Thomas P. O'Neill, a Democrat) -- think I came out pretty good…….. Then I was getting a briefing for the meeting I was to have with network anchors -- an advance on the St. of the Union address scheduled for tonight. In came Poindexter (the national security advisor) &#038; the V.P. with the news the shuttle Challenger had blown up on takeoff. We all headed for a TV &#038; saw the explosion re-played. From then on there was only (one) subject -- the death of the 6 crew &#038; 1 passenger -- Mrs. McAuliffe, the teacher who had won the right to make the flight. There is no way to describe our shock &#038; horror. We cancelled -- I should say postponed the St. of the Union address til next week. Abruptly, everything that was "normal" that day -- in the White House and America -- stopped in its tracks. The great American adventure that was space exploration was faced with a highly visible, globally televised tragedy. The images of the Challenger soaring into space, then literally exploding in a clear blue sky as the parents of school teacher-civilian astronaut Christa McAuliffe watched from nearby stands in dawning horror, were everywhere. Everywhere. What Americans who were alive that day remember is the President's speech to the nation that night. But there is another story, much unremembered today and obviously not recalled by Rick Santorum. Three days after the tragedy that was the Challenger explosion there was a memorial service in Houston at the NASA Space Center. The President and Mrs. Reagan departed the White House at 8:45 to board Air Force One and be there with the families. Some 14,000 people were in attendance. All those Americans who worked directly for NASA, along with the families of the seven astronauts who died that terrible day.]]></description>
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